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Translation and Opposition TRANSLATING EUROPE Series Editors: Margaret (a blend of italiano and inglese), and features of the Molisan dialect in Italian. Developing upon previous literature on political opposition and the EU, the within the Movimento Sociale Italiano and among non-institutional actors like. File a notice of opposition. (Fees may be charged) Download PDF Download certificate (RCD) Download Download PDF Notes. File an International Trade.


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5) free pdf Opposition (Lux Vol. 5) pdf download Opposition (Lux Vol. 5) ita scarica gratis libro Opposition (Lux Vol. 5) epub Opposition (Lux Vol. 4 days ago Request PDF on ResearchGate | On Jan 1, , Anna Feltracco and others published Lexical Opposition in Discourse Contrast. Contrast-Ita Bank: A corpus for Italian Annotated with Discourse Contrast Relations. PDF | On Nov 1, , Adriano Peris and others published Opposition to organ Tuscany Transplantation Authority, Regione Toscana, (ITA) 26/N T. Alderotti.

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Share Give access Share full text access. Share full text access. Accessed 8. For an excellent overview of the staging and reception of Ibsen in Europe, see Chapter 3 in Anderman References Anderman, G. Translation and Theatre. Oberon Books. The insurgents of the world wide web]. Eleftherotypia 6 April On WWW at http: Accessed Baker, M. A Narrative Account. Narrated and narra- tors. The Translator 16 2 , — Barbe, K. Meta 41 3 , — BBC News 12 December Bennett, P. The Scandals of Translation.

Towards an Ethics of Difference. The Translator 5 1 , — Berman, A. Venuti, trans. Venuti ed.

Abbreviation

The Translation Studies Reader pp. Boase-Beier, J. St Jerome. Bourdieu, P. Towards a Reflexive Sociology M. Adamson, trans. Polity Press. Essays on Art and Literature. Nice, trans. Campbell, M. The Sunday Times 14 December Chesterman, A. The Spread of Ideas in Translation Theory. John Benjamins. The Translator 7 2 , — Duarte, A. Assis Rosa and T. Seruya eds Translation Studies as the Interface of Disciplines pp. Coates, J. Pearson Longman. Cronin, M. Even-Zohar, I. Tel Aviv: Duke University Press.

Special issue of Poetics Today, 11 1. Fairclough, N. Gagarin, M. Gagarin, introduction; D. Mirhady and Yun Lee Too, trans. University of Texas Press. Genette, G. Thresholds of Interpretation J. Lewin, trans. Cambridge University Press. Gouanvic, J-M. The emergence of American science fiction in post-war France. The Translator 3 2 , — The Translator 11 2 , — Gumperz, J.

Harvey, K. American Gay in French Translation. Hatim, B. Heilbron, J. Book translation as a cul- tural world-system. European Journal of Social Theory 4 2 , — Systems and the Boundaries of Agency 35 Hermans, T. Hermans ed. The Manipulation of Literature. Studies in Literary Translation pp. Croom Helm. Hermans, T. Eleftherotypia 20 December Jakobson, R.

Kadric, M. Snell-Hornby, Z. Kaindl eds Translation as Intercultural Communication: Selected Papers from the EST pp. Kinnunen, T. Kinnunen and K. Tampere University Press. Koskinen, K. Towards explaining by mechanisms in translation studies. Lambert, J. The contribution of polysystem studies to translation studies. Traduction, Terminologie, Redaction 13 1 , — Lefevere, A. Text, system and refrac- tion in a theory of literature. Mason, I.

The Translator 6 1 , 1— Meylaerts, R. Review article. Sociology and intercul- turality. When the language of translation is the locus of ideological struggle. Mouzelis, N. Economides and V. Monastiriotis eds The Return of Street Politics? Essays on the December Riots in Greece pp. Nash, W. The Wit of Persuasion. Paloposki, O. Milton and P. Bandia eds Agents of Translation pp.

Papanikolaou, D. Revisiting C. Journal of Modern Greek Studies 23 2 , — Rheingold, H. The Next Social Revolution. Cambridge, MA: Basic Books. Robyns, C. Detective novels in French translation.

Target 2 1 , 23— Poetics Today 15 3 , — The translation of comics formats. Zanettin ed. Comics in Translation pp. Roulet, E.

Verschueren, J-O. Blommaert and C. Bulcaen eds Handbook of Pragmatics pp. Shlesinger, M. What researchers and practitioners can learn from one another.

Translation and Interpreting 1 1 , 1— Simeoni, D. Target 10 1 , 1— Swartz, D. University of Chicago Press. Van Dijk, T. Wenden eds Language and Peace pp.

Dartmouth Publishing. Van Leeuwen, T. Document Design 14 2 , — Venuti, L. Translation and Minority. Special Issue.

The Translator 4 2 , — Verschueren, J. Aspects of a pragmatic meth- odology. Language Sciences 18 3—4 , — Von Flotow, L. Translating in the Era of Feminism.

Winick, C. Jones ed. A World Encyclopedia Vol. Fitzroy Dearborn. Zanettin, F. An overview. Zethsen, K. Traduction, Terminologie, Redaction 20 1 , — ZHAO Introduction In Translation Studies TS , the so-called manipulation school, and rewriting theory1 in particular, initiated what can be described as a revo- lution in translation circles. All these rewritings, according to Lefevere In addi- tion, the target ideology, poetics and patronage2 constitute significant prerequisites for the success or failure of such acts of rewriting and render translation itself a highly mediated social act: However, some forms of rewriting, literary criticism being one, have remained relatively under-researched see, for example, Gaddis Rose, Rewriting theory perhaps more explicitly acknowledges the value of adaptation, imitation, critical work and anthologizing in TS.

Channels and Agents: Hu had an explicit goal: Hu Shi cited seven European dramatists whom he considered world-famous, and stated that Chinese literary cir- cles were facing a transitional period and needed to learn from world famous works.

Ibsen is a focal point in this letter. The question that arises here is why Hu singled out Ibsen from among so many possible candidates. To answer this question, it is important to revisit the channel s through which Hu accessed Ibsen and how his sources rewrote Ibsen.

Hu Shi was very familiar with the English tradition but chose a Norwegian writer instead, even if indirect translation could potentially compromise translation quality and authenticity. Rewritings have attached more significance to the ideological function than to the fidelity of the original content at textual level. Thus, relevant data that may help shed light on this chain of communi- cation between Ibsen and the Chinese public include introductory com- ments, reviews and criticism, by both Hu and other authors.

According to Tam Influences on Hu Shi: Ibsen According to Archer and Shaw Translators or rewriters are not innocent bystanders or conduits of mes- sages in other languages. Shaw and Archer as well as Hu Shi had their own agendas when they introduced Ibsen into their respective target cul- tures. This contrasts with the approach adopted by Hu Shi, who attached more significance to thematics, and the issue of mod- ernizing plays along Ibsenian lines.

In an age when almost every critic tried to present Ibsen as a reformer, Archer opposed such views. As Postlewait puts it: Postlewait, This seems to be an exaggeration, but Shaw astutely identifies the difference between himself and Archer in interpret- ing Ibsen. Hu Shi, in this sense, can be categorized as an active Ibsenist. All his life, he was advocating Ibsenism and individualism, as will be shown below. Henrik Ibsen and Oxford Ibsen. It seems that complex processes of rewriting, selective appropriation and exclusion were at play at the time.

Yet this can hardly be a con- vincing explanation for the absence of Archer in critical anthologies. However, it is beyond the scope of this essay to discuss the factors behind this phenomenon: Whereas Archer sought to establish new dramatic conven- tions, Hu Shi tried to use drama to attack traditional ideologies. Archer was a qualified translator and director.

In addition to Archer, Ibsen also owed his reputation to another critic, George Bernard Shaw, who has become better known as a dramatist than a literary and translation critic. How Ibsen Travels from Europe to China 45 xi.

Yet these criticisms are not entirely justified. We cannot blame Shaw for foregrounding his own viewpoint, or Shavinism as they call it, in his commentary on Ibsen. The debate on authorial intentions and differing perspectives is a very complex one. Even Ibsen himself proclaimed his opinion differently at different stages.

Joint opposition against patent for Syngenta on a tomato

McFarlane, , soon reveals some obvious self-contradictory statements. For exam- ple, Ibsen in his later years, around , tended to deny the presence of conscious social and didactic elements in his works. Thus, in a speech he delivered in , he claimed: Whatever I have written has been without any conscious thought of making propaganda.

I have been more the poet and less the social philosopher than people generally seem inclined to believe. Ibsen, Rewritings different claim. What he claims explicitly is that he was not consciously making propaganda, and that he was more con- cerned with aesthetics and less with social issues than was often assumed. His statement postdates it appeared seven years after the publication of The Quintessence of Ibsenism which, as will be shown below, stressed the social and ideological analysis of the plays rather than the theatrical aspects.

Moreover, the apparent intentions of an author are often not a complete guide to the meaning of their work. The transformation of social conditions which is now being under- taken in the rest of Europe is very largely concerned with the future status of the workers and of women.

That is what I am hoping and wait- ing for, that is what I shall work for, all I can. Apparently Shaw chose the politicized Ibsen and therefore stressed the social elements of his works rather than their aesthetic charm. Both playwrights use plays to condemn social ills.

Because of his world view, Shaw read Ibsen from this social and ideological perspective, thus constructing what he called Ibsenism. The Quintessence of Ibsenism was first published in , and revised both in and For Shaw, drama was a means of communicating propaganda: So, at the very outset, Shaw already signalled his conscious selection and intentional manipulation in interpreting Ibsen: This, we should admit, is true of Ibsen, who displays problems but never offers solutions.

Society and countries are changing all the time, so we cannot pre- scribe for them. Contemporary critics and play- wrights were opposed to the use of discussions in plays. Indeed, there would be nothing striking about it if there is no such discussion between Nora and her husband in the third Act. According to Shaw, the inserted discussion is intended to reinforce the theme of the play.

According to Lefevere, professionals operating within the literary system, and insti- tutions of patronage within or outside the literary system state authori- ties, institutes, journals etc. The issue of whether a work can be publicized and become influential depends primarily on who wrote it, and where it was published.

As a prestigious professor at Beijing University, Hu Shi had status. In addition, the essay was published in a spe- cial issue on Ibsen of New Youth ,8 a radical literary journal at that time.

The journal published high quality academic articles and was extremely popular among the avant-garde. This special issue was a landmark in Chinese journalism. For the first time in Chinese jour- nalistic history Wang Jinhou, This issue actually carried a serious and comprehensive rewriting of Ibsen in both obvious and less obvious forms of translation. The fol- lowing quotation from Shen Yanbing , one of the most famous writ- ers and critics in contemporary Chinese literature, indicates the light under which Ibsen was represented: Rewritings famous than, those of Marx and Lenin today.

Shen Yanbing, ; cited in Wang Jinhou, The character of Nora became a popular symbol of the struggle for gender equality. Consequently, Chinese writers showed a special interest in this Norwegian playwright and attached importance to social problems.

Traditionally, there existed a deep-seated contempt of drama9 among Chinese intellectuals. Hu Shi had studied philosophy in the United States for seven years — ; thus he had easier and more direct access to, and a greater familiarity with, philosophical works from the English-speaking world.

Why, then, did Hu Shi choose a Norwegian dramatist rather than English philosopher as other famous rewriters such as Yan Fu did? The overthrow of the feudal regime in China had not expunged deep-seated norms or socio-political values generated under such a regime. Hu Shi and other cultural reformers sought to disrupt this feudal tradition and to forge a new cultural space by means of introducing foreign works. To gain popular grassroots support they needed to find a suitable medium.

Drama was precisely that, a convenient means of dis- seminating anti-feudal ideology to a wide swath of the population, includ- ing the illiterate.

Articles in this issue explicitly demonstrate why drama should be selected and how to improve this genre.

New themes were needed if the old literature pro- moting traditional feudal values was to be relegated to the margins of the literary system. The ideological prejudice in China against women at the time constituted yet another significant factor.

Re-Imaging Ibsen According to Lefevere, rewriters create images of the source writer and text Lefevere, Ezra Pound, for example, created the image of Chinese poetry for the West with his anthology Cathay Lefevere, Hu introduced Ibsen merely as a realis- tic writer and was most interested in his ability to diagnose social prob- lems.

His selection of materials reflects this theme: Brand and Peer Gynt appear to have been excluded because they do not correspond to these priorities. For quite a long period afterwards, Ibsen came to symbolize a revolu- tionary fighter and a social reformer rather than an artist. The opening section sets the tone for the whole article: At the same time, Hu Shi loses no oppor- tunity to insert his comments on realistic writing and his interpretation of Ibsenism: Ibsen described actual social and familial conditions in order to move readers, to make us feel how dark and corrupt our families and soci- ety are and to make us understand that our families and society must be reformed — this is what is meant by Ibsenism.

Even his contemporary critics interpret Ibsen in symbolist terms see Postlewait, It is not clear to readers whether Hu Shi is referring to Norwegian or Chinese society and fami- lies, which leaves the message open-ended, and portrays what Ibsen is describing as a universal phenomenon.

Hu Shi continues: However, Ibsen, like doctors, describes what is wrong in the body, but he never prescribes. He knows that human society is a very complex organization with various different situations and contexts. Therefore there are various illnesses. And there is no panacea. That is why he just describes the illness, and lets the patients seek prescription else- where.

The constant backdrop of this reimaging is the Chinese feudal social system. It comes as no surprise that, operating within it, Hu Shi offers significant nodes in his writing which could facili- tate contextual transposition, creating points of contact between the origi- nal plays and the target social reality.

Elizabeth Eide argues that the Chinese never read the original to find aesthetic solutions to literary problems. They relied on commentary works which determined how the original work should be interpreted and received Eide, Rewritings occasionally, Hu tends to become highly visible in his interventions.

Opposition in Italy

This argument is rather arbitrary and not very convincing. On what basis could Hu Shi assume that Ibsen would advocate internationalism? Hu Shi consistently disputed nation- alist propaganda and advocated internationalism.

Hu Shi is mobilizing a prestigious playwright to support his agenda. What Ibsen presented in his plays is much more complex and richer than what mere realism can cover. When the social problems outlined in the plays no longer exist, his plays remain popular.

This phenomenon per se confirms their lasting artistic beauty, an issue barely touched upon by Hu Shi. If you read our Special Issue on Ibsen, you would know our focus on Ibsen is not his being an artist but his being a social reformer. Ibsenism becomes a vehicle of Hu-Shi-ism. Conclusion Rewriters are never innocent code-switchers. Their rewritings always serve a special purpose Lefevere, For instance, the translation, assimila- tion and often improvement of ancient Greek philosophy and scientific discourse by Arab rewriters and consequently by Europeans resulted in dramatic achievements in the respective target cultures.

Kong Huiyi The difference, Kong asserts, must have been caused by differences in the receiving socio- political environments Kong Huiyi, In a similar vein, Yu Guifen compares the completely different results of the absorption of Western civilization in China and in Japan at the turn of the 20th century. She draws a similar conclusion. Here it is not my intention to comment on the plausibility of their arguments, or on the possibility of factors other than translation being at play. These case studies converge to the same assumption: Rewritings 2.

Returning to China in , Hu Shi became the youngest professor at Beijing University and one of the key figures of the epoch-making New Culture Movement — who would become an oriental cultural giant in the 20th century with 35 honourable doctor degrees granted by famous universi- ties in the USA, Canada and Britain, including such universities as Cambridge and Oxford.

For interesting case studies on the modalities and function of indirect transla- tions, see Toury Chapter 7. Hu Shi was in the US during —, at the time when Ibsen was highly popular there. Hu Shi was then one of the six general editors for New Youth and he edited this special issue Song Jianhua, In Chinese tradition, intellectuals looked down upon drama.

Both playwrights and actors, even novelists, were regarded as lowbrow. Novelists in ancient China tended to conceal their real identity by using pennames. Poetry and essay writing were considered highbrow. References Archer, W. Philosopher or poet? Cosmopolitan Review NY , February. Asimakoulas, D.

Forms and Filings

Baker and G. Saldanha eds Routledge Encyclopaedia of Translation Studies pp. Benjamin, W. Derrida, J. Philosophy before linguistics. Harari ed. Textual Strategies Perspectives in Post-structuralist Criticism, pp. Dukore, B. University of Missouri Press. Durbach, E. Twayne Publishers. Eide, E. From Ibsen to Ibsenism. Curzon Press. Gaddis Rose, M. Author to Audience. University of Minnesota Press. Hong, S. In Hong Shen ed. Shanghai liangyou tushu yinshua gongsi. Hu, S. Jiang ed. New Literature Movement pp.

Zhonghua shuju. Yi ed. Hu Shi pp. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing Company. A reply to T. Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press. Ibsen, H. McFarlane ed. Henrik Ibsen: A Critical Anthology p.

Archer, ed. Walter Scott Publishing Co. Letters and Speeches E. Sprinchorn, ed. Jiang, Y. New Literature Movement. Beijing University Press. Lamb, M. Chinese Youth Press. The trouble with interpreta- tion and the role of rewriting in an alternative paradigm.

Hence, the following sections cover the different case-studies, focusing first on parliamentary actors Forza Italia, Lega Nord and Movimento 5 Stelle and then on extra- parliamentary movements and parties Forza Nuova, CasaPound and Movimento dei Forconi. Finally, we discuss the theoretical connotations of contemporary Euroscepticism in Italy, as well as its implications and potential challenges to the functioning of Italian democracy in the years to come.

Italy and the EU: This section discusses the state of the art of attitudes towards the European Union in Italy, outlining the main changes that took place over the past years and the more recent developments in terms of 3 The debate around the pertinence of this definition goes beyond the aim of this contribution. Yet, this definition has been widely used by scholars researching in this field, even if it has also been criticized.

For an overview of these critics, see: Szczerbiak and Taggart, In this sense, we shall first have a look at the broader picture at the EU level, and then discuss the specificities of the Italian context.

The difficulties that the EU is experiencing since the beginning of the sovereign debt crisis have in fact contributed significantly to widening the level of distrust of European citizens towards communitarian institutions.

Although the process of progressive loss of popular support for the EU is ongoing since more than 20 years, its pace has changed radically since , all over the continent. Data from the Eurobarometer surveys shows that, across the last two decades, this trend is incontrovertible: Figure 1.

European Commission, Eurobarometer In a similar fashion, the last decade marked a major change in the public attitudes towards the European Union in Italy. Traditionally, in fact, Italy has been amongst the major Euro-enthusiastic countries, both in terms of popular and government support for European integration.

While the positive feelings of the Italian public opinion towards the EU lasted until , the following years mark a sharp decline in support for the EU. Contrary to the previous decades, with the deepening of the economic crisis, the levels of trust in the EU in Italy turned below the EU average.

Conversely, the share of Italians holding negative opinions over the EU grew sharply, in line with the European trend. Figure 2. In particular, the Italians became in recent times increasingly pessimistic about the benefits of being part of the EU. Compared to data from before the outbreak of the crisis in Italy, the change is remarkable: The transformation of the Italian public opinion from largely Euro-enthusiastic to increasingly critical towards the EU undoubtedly represents an important electoral capital for political entrepreneurs aiming to capitalize on Euroscepticism.

The next section shall focus in detail on these aspects, providing an overview of party-based Euroscepticism in Italy. In this regard, one of the main findings has been that centre-left parties tend to support the EU consistently more than their centre-right counterparts, across Western European political systems Marks et al. In line with this reasoning, Hix and Lord argue that the most Eurosceptic parties are those permanently excluded from the responsibility of government. Previous contributions have shown that the Italian centre-left is far more euro- enthusiast than any other actor in the party system, which is generally in line with the trend in the rest of Western Europe Dehousse Moreover, this appears to be the case in particular when the centre-left is charged with government responsibilities Conti and De Giorgi Similarly, a study from Demos and Pi shows that trust in the EU is largest among electorates of the Left of the Italian political spectrum, whereas it does not support the idea of a link between incumbency and support for the EU.

In this sense, the Demos poll illustrates that public opinion on the EU in Italy has followed a clear partisan division, regardless of government responsibilities Diamanti, A more recent study of the opinion of Italians on the Euro www. Although often related to electorally irrelevant actors, these showcase political events have attracted a variety of different groups and movements from the Italian radical right and neo-Fascist milieu, and managed to achieve wide media coverage at both local and national level.

Unlike most institutional parties, extra-parliamentary groups do not hide their opposition to the EU and explicitly claim national autonomy from Brussels as a response to the imposition of the stability pacts. If distrust in European institutions takes an increasingly partisan connotation, than it makes sense to observe the type of European discourse that is pushed forward by different political actors in order to fuel anti-European resentment.

In her study of the first Berlusconi governments, Quaglia had already observed the emergence of a Eurosceptic discourse in Italian centre-right coalitions. Yet, he also argues that these differences are not so evident in terms of concrete policies, and pertain mostly to the anti-EU rhetoric of the centre-right coalitions. It remains to be seen how the phenomena outlined in these studies came to terms with the new circumstances brought forward by the economic crisis.

After introducing our conceptualization of Euroscepticism, the following section analyses how the European affairs are discussed, on the eve of the EP elections, by the main actors of Italian opposition to the EU.

Varieties of Euroscepticism in Italy: This conceptualization provides not only important advantages in terms of cross-context and over- time comparability, but it also provides a first insight of the patterns of differentiation existing between Europhiles and Eurosceptics and within the milieu of the Eurosceptics. In his recent account based on the campaign for the national elections, Dehousse claims that there is no form of radical Euroscepticism in Italy Within the field of opposition, however, he admits the presence of a variety of shades, ranging from disagreement with austerity policies, to open targeting of other European leaders.

In what follow, we shall look at these two developments in perspective, in order to see whether — over the past years — moderate opposition to the EU has led to the emergence of hard forms of Euroscepticism.

To this goal, we first focus on the political discourse and preferences of the main Eurosceptic actors within the Italian parliamentary arena Forza Italia, Lega Nord and Movimento 5 Stelle , and then on the emerging extra-parliamentary movements and parties Forza Nuova, CasaPound and Movimento dei Forconi. The mainstream right and the EU: This first phase of the relations between Berlusconi and the EU is characterized by minimal attention to EU affairs, with sporadic and occasional conflicts over specific issues.

Differently, conflict with the EU emerged once Berlusconi got to government for the first time, when Antonio Martino - chief economist of Forza Italia and then Minister of Foreign affairs — explicitly questioned the process of monetary unification, criticizing the Euro convergence criteria Quaglia The second phase of the relationship between the Italian mainstream right and the EU is characterized by policy indifference combined with enhanced political tensions, which however never reached the level of open opposition to the EU.

A tale of two research designs, West European Politics, Political tensions, however, emerged when Romano Prodi — the former leader of the centre-left coalition — was nominated President of the European Commission Similarly, several tensions sparked with European institutions: Still, the agenda remained fully pro-European, and commitment to Europe and its constraints to budget and legislation were never put into question during the campaigning.

Despite the overall positive attitude on EU affairs, in fact, the electoral platform of PDL restored the concept of Italian-specific 9 The Contratto con gli Italiani is available at http: Three months later, the Council of Europe accused the Italian government of violating the human rights with respect to the dismantlement of Roma camps.

Hence, when the financial crisis first hit Italy in late the first anti-crisis decree is approved in August , the field was already set for a full clash between PDL and the EU.

Forms and Filings

In January Berlusconi made a public statement claiming that the promised tax reduction cannot be achieved due to the crisis, whereas his ministers started an aggressive polemic with EU institutions. This strategy lasted until the party decided to withdraw its support to the government, which led to the election campaign of From then on, the anti-EU strategic dimension fully overcame the responsibility one, and several members of the PDL, including Berlusconi, turned to explicitly Eurosceptic arguments in their campaigning.

Beyond the pledges in the party manifesto, there is little doubt that the EU played a major role in the campaign of the Italian centre right, which openly criticized Brussels for not having prevented the crisis of the Euro and for imposing technocratic governments over insolvent member states. Since the establishment of the Monti government, in fact, the PDL had been increasingly frustrated by the open endorsement provided by the EPP to the new cabinet, which was considered alternative to the centre right in the Italian arena, yet supported by the same European parliament group.

The unintended consequence of the Europeanization of the party politics in the centre right was to set free the electoral campaign of PDL from any duty of responsibility at the community level, or coherence with the rest of its European allies. From that moment onwards, in fact, the campaign of the centre right was characterized by unprecedented attacks to German interference in Italian internal affairs. In particular, Angela Merkel was repeatedly accused not only to be the main responsible of austerity policies, but also as the symbol of a lack of representation and legitimacy within EU institutions.

Concerning the first element, the strategy of the centre right had been that of criticizing austerity even when the party was supporting the government introducing the measures. Concerning the latter one, the critique must not be understood as an opposition to technocracy per se Italy already experienced similar governments, which did not attract this type of criticisms. Opposition to the technocratic government, instead, also meant contesting the emerging, alternative political elite within the Italian centre-right.

On the very contrary, it appears to be a frequent habit yet a conjunction-related one, i. Although lengthily debated, the issue has not been solved so far. The regionalist populism of Lega Nord The Lega Nord LN , formally founded in by the fusion of several movements from Northern Italy, has become over the past two decades one of the most successful regionalist parties in Western Europe.

This definition underlines the main political activity of the party since its foundation, i. Similarly contested has been the definition of LN as a Eurosceptic movement and party. Indeed, until the late s LN was characterized by a substantially pro-European political platform, since at the time the EU arena was perceived as providing greater opportunities to promote its regionalist goals.

Although the party has long self-defined as the harshest opponent of community policies and integration, many authors have noticed that its position has been repeatedly nuanced.

Inevitably, the position of LN was initially schizophrenic: At the same time, the electoral campaign strongly focused on attacking the policies of austerity, with the proposal of a national referendum to decide whether to stay in, or withdraw from, the Eurozone.

On the contrary, the main frames that were used by LN referred to a different Europe, based on democratic values rather than 33 Lega Nord, Proposte e Obiettivi. During the federal congress of LN, the leader of PVV who had been invited there together with other representatives of Eurosceptic parties from around Europe openly spoke of independence from the EU, being acclaimed by LN militants with chants and applauses. Together with its new pan-European allies, LN is about to launch a major anti-Euro demonstration in Brussels, in March The platform of the demonstration illustrates in a straightforward way the logics of the leap of LN towards hard Euroscepticism.

Hence, the new leadership claims that independence from the national power of Rome would not be sufficient if it is not accompanied by independence from Brussels. National grievances, European issues: In little time and despite running as an outsider, it has achieved unprecedented levels of political popularity: Most commentators define it as the most modern version of Italian populism, a definition that the leader of the movement made his own, declaring that he had gathered the votes that — across Europe — convey on the populist radical right Natale and Biorcio, As reported by previous studies Bartlett et al.

Over the months preceding the general elections, in fact, Beppe Grillo has repeatedly expressed criticism against the EU bureaucracy, the euro and the technocratic government of Mario Monti.

The attempt is that of reconnecting the M5S to the Europeanist ideals of the founding fathers which, in his opinion, have been betrayed by the bureaucrats and technocrats ruling the EU.

Very recently, in an online referendum on the site of the Movement the sympathizers voted in favour of abolishing the crime of illegal immigration see http: See the document available at: In addition to this, the European programme of M5S includes more policy-oriented proposals, such as the abolition of the fiscal compact and the introduction of European bonds, and the development of a strategic alliance between Italy and the rest of the Mediterranean countries.

As we can see, in its electoral programme the M5S calls for a radical reform of the EU, in particular in terms of the handling of economic affairs.

In line with this understanding, Beppe Grillo has recently called for a new Europa Solidale fair Europe built upon growth and development, rather than governed by the ECB.The elimination of the religious element at that specific point in the story was no doubt a deliberate act which needs to be considered within the context of the republican reforms that aimed to reduce the weight of religion in the making of a new national consciousness.

The translation of comics formats. Baer discusses translation and mis translation in the literature of the Russian Empire, which is charac- terized by the opposition between two codes, the prestigious languages of Western Europe versus the languages of the colonized peoples of the Russian empire.

Developing upon this framework, we have investigated the main traits of contemporary Euroscepticism in Italy in the eve of the EP elections.

Translating in the Era of Feminism. In a similar vein, Yu Guifen compares the completely different results of the absorption of Western civilization in China and in Japan at the turn of the 20th century. Ibsenism becomes a vehicle of Hu-Shi-ism. Cambridge University Press.

Anti-pornography movements have allied disparate social activists in opposition to pornography, from social conservatives to harm reduction advocates. The Spread of Ideas in Translation Theory.

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