Lee Kuan Yew. ○ Singapore PM(). ○ Founder of People's. Action Party (PAP). ○ Father of Singapore. ○ Passed away March 𝗣𝗗𝗙 | On Feb 1, , Hong Liu and others published Lee Kuan In book: Lee Kuan Yew Through the Eyes of Chinese Scholars, pp SINGAPORE - The passing of Singapore's founding father Lee Kuan Yew. History of the Botanic Gardens, Singapore's first Unesco site. Tips on.
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Two e-books about the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew are now available free for download on The Straits Times Star E-books app.. Read more at. A NEW BOOK FROM “Lee Kuan Yew's contributions to Singapore are well- known but his innermost Chairman of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy;. Books on Lee Kuan Yew often emphasize his trust in the rule of law, the respect for property rights and proper accounting procedures (cf. Josey, ; Barr.
Singapore top business paradise for business: World Bank. Asiaone, 26 September According to the Corruption Perceptions Index, Singapore is consistently ranked as one of the least corrupt countries in the world, along with New Zealand and the Scandinavian countries.
Lee Kuan Yew passed away in Ong, etc. The planning of Nanyang University established in was begun and financially supported by the Chinese-educated. Tan , a Baba who speaks no Chinese, reminisced how his year old was streamed into a vocational institute and classified as educationally subnormal as his Mandarin was abysmal. Her Research interests are Language, sociolinguistics, comparative religion, and world Englishes.
References Alsagoff, L. Hybridity in the ways of speaking. The glocalizaton of English in Sin- gapore. Lim, A.
Pakir and L. Wee Eds English in Singapore.
Modernity and Management, — Ang, Cheng Guan London: Routledge. Ayer, A. The principle of verification. Nye Ed. Philosophy of Language: The Big Questions. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers. Baldauf, B. Language planning and multilingualism. Chapelle Ed. Malden, MA: Wiley- Blackwell. Nordic Institute of Asian Studies. Asian Monograph Series no. Richmond Surrey: Curzon.
Berman, B. Ethnicity and Democracy in Africa. Bloodsworth, D. The Tiger and the Trojan Horse. Singapore: Times Books Interna- tional. Chew, P. Emergent Lingua Francas and World Orders. New York: Routledge. The emergence, role and future of the national language in Singapore.
Fishman and G. New York: Oxford University Press. Basingstoke: Palgrave. Chia, F.
The Babas Revisited. Singapore: Heinemann Asia. Chua, S. Report on the Census of Population Singapore: State of Singapore. Clammer, J. Straits Chinese Society. Singapore: Singapore University Press. Curdt-Christiansen, X-L. Learning environments: The enactment of educational policies in Singapore. Ward Ed. De Silva, K.
New Delhi: India, Pen- guin Books. Deterding, D. Singapore English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Census of population Singapore: Department of Statistics.
Department of Statistics Advance Data Release. Singa- pore: Department of Statistics. Census of Population Census of Population Advance Data Release. Goh, K. Report on the Ministry of Education Singapore: Singapore National Printers. Gopinathan, S. Ethnicity Management and Lan- guage Education Policy: Towards a modified model of language education in Singapore schools.
Lai Ed. Singapore: Eastern Universities Press. Lee Kuan Yew. Hard Truths to keep Singapore Going. Singapore: Straits Times Press. Hardwick, P. Forum, 38 1 : 36— Harper, T. Tan and K. Jomo Eds Comet in our Sky. Lim Chin Siong in History. Kuala Lumpur : She hui fen xi xue hui. Heng, G. State fatherhood: The politics of nationalism, sexuality and race in Singa- pore. Paker, M. Ruisso, D. Sommar, and P. Yaegar eds Nationalism and Sexualities.
New York and London: Routledge. Hill, M. Lian London and New York: Routledge. Dynamics of a Contact Continuum. Singaporean English. Oxford: Clarenden Press. Joseph, M and Ramani, E. Rugby and M.
Two e-books on the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew free for download
London: Continuum. Josey, A. Lee Kuan Yew Vol. Singapore: Times Books International. Jurgen, R. Reconstructing Identities. A Social History of Babas in Singapore. Singa- pore: Ashgate Aldershot. Kachru, B. Dhanabalan and others—would emerge from the shadow of their seniors to secure the future of the ruling party.
PAP exit management under Lee had one major omission, though. Lee felt he needed to stick around. Senior Minister. Minister Mentor. Whatever the title, for the next 20 years, the simple political reality was that LKY was still around. At The Straits Times where I used to work, word came from way above my pay grade that we were not to say he stepped down.
He stepped aside. Author photo It could have been much worse. Perhaps his autocratic tendency was tempered by his hyper-rational, unsentimental view of life. He knew time changes everything, and that people grow old, get weak, and die. So, while convinced that Singapore needed an omnipotent executive branch to run the place, he also knew its personnel would have to be rotated before they succumbed to their mortality.
He also differed from the typical dictator in that his family was clean.
Corrupt strongmen avoid the exit door because they fear it will lead them and their kin straight to prison. Instead, he institutionalised a system of leadership renewal.
Therefore, while the PAP as a party is unapologetic about its desire to dominate politics indefinitely, PAP leaders as individuals accept they have to make way for younger replacements. Things could have been worse; but they could have also been better. Political self-renewal must mean more than replacing older leaders with younger ones.
It may require systemic change as well. This is where the PAP fell short. Lee and his junior colleagues failed to adapt their governance model to the post-LKY era. Mandarin was totally alien to me. Lee, They were usually traders, the mid- dleman of the British and the Chinese, or the Chinese and Malays, because they could speak both English and Malay.
Hokien from Fujian province, China was the original mother tongue of the Babas but by the time of the second and third generation, Babas could only speak it in a pidginized way as they had mainly begun to switch their mother tongues to Baba Malay, a creolized form mixed with some Hokien loan words to suit a localized Malay context Clammer His spattering of street Hokien was of no help either as these two Chinese languages came from linguistically unrelated families.
His family then transferred him to an English-medium elementary school which he nat- urally excelled. Lee, ; Bloodsworth, The paper is divided into two sections. The first sec- tion reveals the relationship of language and politics while the second sec- tion discusses the role of language and economics. Section A Both the and elections were landmark elections in the history of Singapore. The general elections, on the other hand, was distinctive in being the first legislative assembly election to be held since full internal self-government was granted by the British government in London and where voting was made compulsory.
As a young returned lawyer, Lee was acutely aware of the linguistic dimen- sion of politics and identity. Lee had observed that the then prominent Minis- ter for Commerce and Industry, J. Jumabhoy, could only speak in English and be understood by only a small English-speaking Indian elite rather than the masses of vernacular speaking Indians. Like Jumabhoy who could not speak Tamil, the language of the majority of Indians in Singapore, as he was a native speaker of Guajarati; Lee could not speak Hokien, the language of the majority of Chinese in Singapore as he was a native speaker of Baba Malay Yap, Noting the example of Jumabhoy who in his opinion was more of an estranged elite rather than a leader of the masses like Mahatma Gandhi , Lee realized that those who used only English were often unqualified to voice the genuine opinions of the people.
Speaking only in halting Mandarin, Lee realized that his lack of Mandarin or Hokien which was the language of the Chinese masses would be his primary liability Ibid. Mallal, and through which Lee himself had gained his first political experience by volunteering as their election agents, which involved among other things, the putting up of posters and the designing of political captions.
However, Lee calculated that with the granting of universal suffrage, the game would tilt in favor of the Chinese- speaking majority, not the SPP Lee, Lee also observed that it was the Chinese-educated those who were schooled in Mandarin rather than the English educated those who were schooled in English who were the ones who would reach the unschooled masses as many of them could speak the various Chinese vernaculars; while the English educated, who were Babas, like himself, could only speak Malay.
In , the vote of the masses would count, since automatic registration of voters would by then be implemented; and for the election, the votes of the masses would count even more because by then, compulsory voting would be operational Ong, Lee realized too that the masses were most unlike his privileged background; and that to win the elections, he too would have to project a different identity: We understood that to win over Singapore we got to win over the Chinese-educated.
The English-educated was a small fraction of the population. Lee, quoted in Han One strategy was to seek the support of the labor unions who were predominantly Chinese- speaking, by volunteering to serve as their legal advisor.
According to Lee As Lee had envisaged, the election saw mass support forthcoming for parties aligned to the agenda of the Chinese educated.
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The masses of Chinese speaking people who had hitherto remained apathetic politically were now aroused by an anti-colonial propaganda campaign conveyed to them primarily through Mandarin and Hokien. On the other hand, his bosses from the English-speaking SPP suffered a shock defeat from which it never recovered.
Other Language Management Strategies Names and naming narratives by which we describe ourselves influence our perceptions of others — and all these must consciously or unconsciously frame our personal and group identities. It was the practice of Baba families to give their children both English and Chinese names as a symbol of their own hybrid identities. Politically ambitious, Lee was careful not to forefront his privileged English-educated identity which was hardly a point of favor with the Chinese-educated masses not least because for a long time, the Chinese-educated had despised the Babas for their inability to speak Chi- nese cf.
Hardwick, In addition, a significant number of Babas were Christians — and it was also not politically prudent to be aligned with a minor- ity religion associated with the well-heeled and colonial power. Lee renounced his Baba background and its pro-assimilative tendencies for a more pro-Chinese ethnic stand.
One way to signal this was to discard his English name and forefront his Chinese name: I was mildly annoyed when I was reported as Harry Lee — politically it was a minus. I did not name myself. I have not given any of my children a western name, nor have they in turn given their children western names. This well-calculated move endeared him to the Chinese educated who would later give him the political clout he badly needed.
So they have Chinese as their first language, then English, then Malay Han, Therefore I could say, that I was convinced that Chinese schools were good for them because they were able to master English at home. However for their university edu- cation, I said I would not send them to a Chinese-language university. Their future depended upon a command of the language of the latest textbooks which would be in English.
Lee recognized the use of Mandarin and Hokien as the key to the hearts of the electorate — the fluency of both were beyond his reach: They spoke with a passion that filled their listeners with emotion and exhilaration at the prospect of Chinese great- ness held out to them … I knew that even if I mastered it, it would not be enough.
His mother tongue, Baba Malay, was the lingua franca in the domain of domestic transactions Chia, The Chi- nese educated looked down on its hybrid nature and sensitive to languages, Lee dismissed it as unsuitable and inadequate for political life: However it was a pidgin … it was limited, it was difficult to move crowds with it.
There could be no flight of rhetoric. I suffered embarrassment when a newspaper reported that Lam Tian, my Chinese educated rival in the Democratic party said I could not read or write the language and therefore not capable of representing the Chinese voter … I blithely claimed I could read, write and speak Mandarin, Hakka and Hokien and also spoke Malay — as I was advised by Chinese reporters that it was best not to admit lack of my command of mother tongue.
Actually my spoken Hokien and Hakka were pathetic. I dodged it and counter-attacked by saying I have to get things done in the Legislative Assembly and there a candidate needs to have good English. But I made a supreme effort to say a few words in Mandarin in my biggest rally in Banda Street, another Cantonese area. A friendly Sin Pao reporter called Jek Yuen thong drafted two paragraphs for me, and then spent several hours coaching me to read a speech that took only three minutes to deliver.
But the crowd was with me, and they cheered me for the effort. Schooled in the Chinese classics and the Shui Hu Chua Water Margin rather than Shakespeare, Lim and his other Chinese-educated colleagues built a mass base for what would have otherwise been a caucus of English-educated elite.
In the elections, Lim managed to captivate the masses of Chinese-educated, dialect-speaking farmers, factory workers and hawkers who had turned up in huge numbers to support the Union and the elections.
I was one of those roped in almost at the last minute, perhaps because I was Chinese educated but not a communist.
I had been told that I had a role to play in the party because I was bilingual … we were particularly short of people who could speak effectively in Hokien. Throughout this period, Lee used socialist, anti-colonial language to ensure his political-linguistic identity to Lim.
He had been after all, the solicitor for most, if not all, the Chinese-educated detained party leaders and cadres even if he could only have communicated with them through an interpreter Harper, He protested whenever the British Special Branch detained the pro-Communists in his party such as the popular Lim, but evidently relied upon such deten- tions to remove his more charismatic Chinese-educated opponents and enable him to retain control.
Evidently, Lee played a skillful linguistic hand as an anti- colonial for the Chinese-educated masses and as trusted ally of the British. Nor surprisingly, in the elections with the implementation of compul- sory voting, the PAP reaped the full force of the Chinese-educated and lower- income groups and won a landslide victory, winning 43 of the 51 seats in the Legislative Assembly.
Hence, with Lim imprisoned by the British, Lee was assured of not being over- shadowed by a charismatic Hokien-Mandarin speaker; but yet be able to ride on the wave of his popularity.
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While Lee maintained scrupulously the facade of unity with the leftist aspi- rations of his Chinese-educated colleagues, he always knew that one day he would have to break the alliance when it suited him Harper, Hokien is not like Mandarin; it has seven ones instead of four, and uses different word combinations of verbs, nouns and adjectives.
He wrote: I could not afford to be shy or embarrassed. It was a matter of life or death. It was not just a question of fighting Ong.
I was preparing for the inevitable showdown with Lim Chin Siong and the communists. He would mumble to himself words and phrases in Hokien while travelling in a car. Every spare moment he had were spent revising Chinese to the get the sounds right, mem- orizing new words to get them embedded in his mind so that he could roll them off his tongue without looking at them.
However, although he was able to make his policies understood in Hokien, he was never able to speak use the language impassionately Leong, Lee attributes his political success through his linguistic efforts: Very early in his career, Lee had predicted that English and Mandarin would be the two foremost world languages and that their acqui- sition and placement as the first and second language of Singapore would enable Singaporeans an economic advantage in both the East and the West cf.
Lee, , This was far from his vision of a first world state. Lee had to ensure that he remained in power long enough for this shift to take place. Step 1: The Creation of four official languages In , it was not yet possible for Lee to implement his English-Mandarin mother-tongue policy as he had only just gained power and his political posi- tion was tenuous. First things first, he had to reduce the 33 odd languages to just four official ones. In , the government of Sri Lanka adopted the controversial anti-English law, the official Sinhala Only Bill, a decision which ultimately led to civil strife and over time contributed to the outbreak of civil war in De Silva, As Lee later explained in his biography: To take one example, in , the Chinese having migrated from different regions of China spoke the following, mostly unintelligible, languages such as Haina- nese, Hakka, Cantonese and Khek and therefore had to use Hokien as their lingua franca Chew, A similar situation prevailed among the Singa- pore Indian community who spoke a diversity of languages such as Gujarati, Bengali, Punjabi, Hindi, Tamil and Urdu.
Trocki, However, Malay had been the traditional lingua franca of the region and had to be placed somewhere that was no less honorable. The potential wrath of the Malay pop- ulation was something not to be provoked especially as many had kinship ties to the nearby hinterland of Malaysia and Indonesia.
The national anthem is in Malay and continues to be sung each morning in Singapore schools although few children can understand the meaning of the words. The state crest, army commands and its currency notes were made to carry symbolic Malay inscription.
Himself a native speaker of Baba Malay, a close relative to Malay, he was able to win their support with this practical compromise Chew, Step 3: The Creation of the English-knowing Bilingual In , an opportunity enabled the PAP to detract from their initial policy of multilingualism.
Their resignation left the PAP as the only major political party, a window of opportunity which enabled Lee to institute economically motivated reforms at an even greater speed.
Further, in the general elections of , , and , the PAP won all of the seats in an expanding parliament. As an effectively one-party government, the stage was now set for more dra- conian linguistic measures as a means to economic development.
With no opposition in Parliament, Lee was now able to enunciate his support of English as first language fearlessly: Not only will it blindfold the next generation to the knowledge of the advanced nation, it will cause a brain drain.
But so many new countries have stifled the foreign language they have inherited. Sometimes this is done, not so much to elevate the status of the indigenous language, but to take away an advantage a minority ethnic group has by having greater compe- tence in the former colonial language.
Governing Singapore, beyond Lee Kuan Yew
This has been damaging. It blindfolds the next generation to the knowledge of the advanced countries. Worse, it leads to an exodus of the professionally trained. They can emigrate to the advanced countries, and do because they do not intend to allow their children to be crippled by language blink- ers. To get access to new knowledge, the best course would be to continue using the language of the former metropolitan power, particularly where this happens to be English.
Step 4. Each of the two languages carried twice as much weight as Mathematics or Science. Second language papers also became available at pre-university and tertiary levels Gopinathan, Minimum language requirements form a basis of admission to tertiary edu- cation.
Children were streamed according to their linguistic abilities and higher education access made dependent on scores attained in the first and second language. The implementation of the campaign was marked by wide-ranging activities, e. Mandarin was propelled to replace Chinese languages such as Teochew, Hakka, and Cantonese, Hokien which were publicly labeled publicly as dia- lects, although such a classification is disputable by linguistics standards.
However, what was not stressed, both in government rhetoric and academic writing, was the suitability of Mandarin as a culture-bearer.
In reality, Man- darin was a Beijing dialect from the north. Cul- tures, values and customs, especially those surrounding rites of passage, are passed on through the use of dialects, not Mandarin. Customs and traditions, even in basic practices such as the way of cooking, differ from one dialect group to another. A one-party gov- ernment had effectively created a scenario whereby Chinese Singaporeans are moving towards a less complex language situation where English has become dominant in formal communication, Mandarin in informal communication and Chinese dialects, once the dominant mother tongues of its citizens almost non-existent.
They were also now possessors of the two foremost global lan- guages in the world. Conclusion We have recounted how language has been used to intervene effectively in both the political and economic life in Singapore. While natural resources, a sustainable infrastructure, economic opportunities, peaceful neighbors, authoritarian government, and luck are all important ingredients in the jour- ney from third world to first, the most foundational must surely be leadership for without it, all these elements would not fall into place.Singapore: Times Academic Press.
Himself a native speaker of Baba Malay, a close relative to Malay, he was able to win their support with this practical compromise Chew, Step 1: Singapore top business paradise for business: Harper, T.
World Englishes. My colleagues and I are sane, rational people even in our moments of anguish. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 6 1:
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