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A few of his ghazals and couplets are sometimes unscrupulously reproduced and quoted as portrayal of the political revolution that saw Indians losing the war of freedom and Mughals their throne. But the fact is that his poetry has got nothing to do with the events of as he had composed such ghazals and couplets much before the rebellion. Many of them give an account of the events of and, besides carrying some biographical details about Ghalib, make a good reading, too.
He began writing letters in Urdu in or around He quit the old-fashioned way of writing letters that essentially meant long salutations and tortuous language and instead went for a very lively and frank style. The language of his letters is simple yet literary and sounds like the conversation of a person of highly developed tastes and knowledge.
His ability to smile at his sorrows and brighten up at the gloomiest moments has made these letters a good example of decent humour. Ghalib talked of the revolution in many of his letters which portrayed the pain and sorrows that he had felt. However, he was careful enough not to say anything that could offend the British. Ghalib had many friends among British officers.
He had been trying all along to earn more favours particularly an award and pension from the British. In fact there had been bad blood between Ghalib and his literary opponents much earlier. The literary circle that celebrated his imprisonment in for running a gambling den at his place was among the front-runners in the revolution of On the other hand, Ghalib had sensed a defeat of the revolutionary forces at the hands of the British as the rebellion was neither well-organised nor powerful enough to counter the military might of the foreigners.
There is, through the years, the same self-absorption, the same overpowering sense of terror which comes from the necessities of one's own creativity and intelligence, the same illusion -- never really believed viscerally -- that if one could be released from need one could perhaps become a better artist.
There is same flood of complaints, and finally the same triumph of a self which is at once morbid, elegant, highly creative, and almost doomed to realize the terms not only of its desperation but also its distinction. Ghalib was never really a part of the court except in its very last years, and even then with ambivalence on both sides.
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There was no love lost between Ghalib himself and Zauq, the king's tutor in the writing of poetry; and if their mutual dislike was not often openly expressed, it was a matter of prudence only. There is reason to believe that Bahadur Shah Zafar, the last Moghul king, and himself a poet of considerable merit, did not much care for Ghalib's style of poetry or life. There is also reason to believe that Ghalib not only regarded his own necessary subservient conduct in relation to the king as humiliating but he also considered the Moghul court as a redundant institution.
Nor was he well-known for admiring the king's verses. However, after Zauq's death Ghalib did gain an appointment as the king's advisor on matters of versification.
He was also appointed, by royal order, to write the official history of the Moghul dynasty, a project which was to be titled "Partavistan" and to fill two volumes. The one volume "Mehr-e-NeemRoz", which Ghalib completed is an indifferent work, and the second volume was never completed, supposedly because of the great disturbances caused by the Revolt of and the consequent termination of the Moghul rule.
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Possibly Ghalib's own lack of interest in the later Moghul kings had something to do with it. The only favorable result of his connection with the court between and was that he resumed writing in Urdu with a frequency not experienced since the early 's. Many of these new poems are not panegyrics, or occasional verses to celebrate this or that. He did, however, write many ghazals which are of the same excellence and temper as his early great work. In fact, it is astonishing that a man who had more or less given up writing in Urdu thirty years before should, in a totally different time and circumstance, produce work that is, on the whole, neither worse nor better than his earlier work.
One wonders just how many great poems were permanently lost to Urdu when Ghalib chose to turn to Persian instead. In its material dimensions, Ghalib's life never really took root and remained always curiously unfinished.
In a society where almost everybody seems to have a house of his own, Ghalib never had one and always rented one or accepted the use of one from a patron.
He never had books of his own, usually reading borrowed ones. He had no children; the ones he had, died in infancy, and he later adopted the two children of Arif, his wife's nephew who died young in Ghalib's one wish, perhaps as strong as the wish to be a great poet, that he should have a regular, secure income, never materialized.
His brother Yusuf, went mad in , and died, still mad, in that year of all misfortunes, His relations with his wife were, at best, tentative, obscure and indifferent. And one has to confront the fact that the child never died who, deprived of the security of having a father in a male-oriented society, had had looked for material but also moral certainties -- not certitudes, but certainties, something that he can stake his life on.
So, when reading his poetry it must be remembered that it is the poetry of more than usually vulnerable existence. It is difficult to say precisely what Ghalib's attitude was toward the British conquest of India.
The evidence is not only contradictory but also incomplete. First of all, one has to realize that nationalism as we know it today was simply non-existent in nineteenth-century India.
Second --one has to remember -- no matter how offensive it is to some -- that even prior to the British, India had a long history of invaders who created empires which were eventu- ally considered legitimate. The Moghuls themselves were such invaders. Given these two facts, it would be unreasonable to expect Ghalib to have a clear ideological response to the British invasion. There is also evidence, quite clearly deducible from his letters, that Ghalib was aware, on the one hand, of the redundancy, the intrigues, the sheer poverty of sophistication and intellectual potential, and the lack of humane responses from the Moghul court, and, on the other, of the powers of rationalism and scientific progress of the West.
Ghalib had many attitudes toward the British, most of them complicated and quite contradictory.
His diary of , the "Dast-Ambooh" is a pro-British document, criticizing the British here and there for excessively harsh rule but expressing, on the whole, horror at the tactics of the resistance forces. His letters, however, are some of the most graphic and vivid accounts of British violence that we possess.
We also know that "Dast-Ambooh" was always meant to be a document that Ghalib would make public, not only to the Indian Press but specifically to the British authorities.
And he even wanted to send a copy of it to Queen Victoria. His letters, are to the contr- ary, written to people he trusted very much, people who were his friends and would not divulge their contents to the British authorities.
As Imtiyaz Ali Arshi has shown at least to my satisfaction , whenever Ghalib feared the intimate, anti-British contents of his letters might not remain private, he requested their destruction, as he did in th case of the Nawab of Rampur. I think it is reasonable to conjecture that the diary, the "Dast-Ambooh", is a document put together by a frightened man who was looking for avenues of safety and forging versions of his own experience in order to please his oppressors, whereas the letters, those private documents of one-to-one intimacy, are more real in the expression of what Ghalib was in fact feeling at the time.
And what he was feeling, according to the letters, was horror at the wholesale violence practiced by the British. Yet, matters are not so simple as that either. We cannot explain things away in terms of altogether honest letters and an altogether dishonest diary. Human and intellectual responses are more complex.
The fact that Ghalib, like many other Indians at the time, admired British, and therefore Western, rationalism as expressed in constitutional law, city planning and more.
His trip to Calcutta had done much to convince him of the immediate values of Western pragmatism. This immensely curious and human man from the narrow streets of a decaying Delhi, had suddenly been flung into the broad, well-planned avenues of Calcutta -- from the aging Moghul capital to the new, prosperous and clean capital of the rising British power, and , given the precociousness of his mind, he had not only walked on clean streets, but had also asked the fundamental questions about the sort of mind that planned that sort of city.
In short, he was impressed by much that was British. In Calcutta he saw cleanliness, good city planning, prosperity.Urdu-e-Mualla Part - In Calcutta he saw cleanliness, good city planning, prosperity.
Nigar Ghalib Number: Sharah Deewan-e-Ghalib Deewan-e-Ghalib Nuskha-e-Khwaja Aaj Kal Ghalib Number.
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