MORTE E VIDA DE GRANDES CIDADES JANE JACOBS PDF

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Morte E Vida De Grandes Cidades Jane Jacobs Pdf

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of Great American Cities () by Jane Jacobs to the Profession of Urban Planning. Request Full-text Paper PDF Jacobs critiqued the city planning of the s for creating dull and uniform .. objetivos apresentar as linhas gerais de Morte e vida de grandes cidades, em especial a sua ideia de cidade e de vida. PDF | Jane Jacobs' The death and life of great American cities, published in Download full-text PDF Morte e vida das grandes cidades. The death and life of great American cities by Jane Jacobs; 17 editions; First published in ; Cover of: Morte e vida de grandes cidades.

It is an abstraction. It means something only in conjunction with the buildings and other uses that border it, or border other sidewalks very near it. They are more than "passive beneficiaries of safety or helpless victims of danger". The healthy city sidewalk does not rely on constant police surveillance to keep it safe, but on an "intricate, almost unconscious, network of voluntary controls and standards among the people themselves, and enforced by the people themselves.

The more bustling a street, the more interesting it is for strangers to walk along or watch from inside, creating an ever larger pool of unwitting deputies who might spot early signs of trouble.

Jane Jacobs

In other words, healthy sidewalks transform the city's high volume of strangers from a liability to an asset. The self-enforcing mechanism is especially strong when the streets are supervised by their "natural proprietors," individuals who enjoy watching street activity, feel naturally invested in its unspoken codes of conduct, and are confident that others will support their actions if necessary.

They form the first line of defense for administering order on the sidewalk, supplemented by police authority when the situation demands it. She further concludes three necessary qualities that a city street needs to maintain safety: 1 a clear demarcation between public and private space; 2 eyes upon the street and sufficient buildings facing streets; 3 continuous eyes on the street to guarantee effective surveillance.

Over time, a considerable number of criminological studies have applied the concept of " eyes on the street " in crime prevention [4]. Jacobs contrasts the natural proprietors to the "birds of passage", the transient and uninvested block dwellers who "have not the remotest idea of who takes care of their street, or how.

These "blind-eyed" spaces, modeled after the upper-class standards for apartment living but lacking the amenities of access control, doormen, elevator men, engaged building management, or related supervisory functions, are ill-equipped to handle strangers, and therefore the presence of strangers becomes "an automatic menace.

As residents feel progressively unsafe outside their apartments, they increasingly disengage from the life of the building and exhibit tendencies of birds of passage. These troubles are not irreversible. Jacobs claims that a Brooklyn project successfully reduced vandalism and theft by opening the corridors to public view, equipping them as play spaces and narrow porches, and even letting tenants use them as picnic grounds.

Building on the idea that a bustling pedestrian environment is a prerequisite for city safety in the absence of a contracted surveillance force, Jacobs recommends a substantial quantity of stores, bars, restaurants, and other public places "sprinkled along the sidewalks" as a means to this end. She argues that if city planners persist in ignoring sidewalk life, residents will resort to three coping mechanisms as the streets turn deserted and unsafe: 1 move out of the neighborhood, allowing the danger to persist for those too poor to move anywhere else, 2 retreat to the automobile, interacting with the city only as a motorist and never on foot, or 3 cultivate a sense of neighborhood "Turf", cordoning off upscale developments from unsavory surroundings using cyclone fences and patrolmen.

Contact[ edit ] Sidewalk life permits a range of casual public interactions, from asking for directions and getting advice from the grocer, to nodding hello to passersby and admiring a new dog.

It thus had many smaller businesses making engines and all sorts of components and was exporting steam generators, paint, pumps, stoves and a whole host of other products.

Eventually, all these smaller, diverse businesses were either absorbed by the automobile industry or turned into a supplier for it, loosing the diversity that once made the Detroit economy thrive.

So when the automobile industry started dying, first due to competition from Japanese car manufacturers, Detroit started dying. But, after all the years since, what do we see happening in Detroit today? The beginnings of a new diversified economy with many small companies emerging, only some of which are related to a growing arts population.

Most people both in Detroit and out have forgotten the once thriving diverse economy that was Detroit but that is what is emerging again and may, eventually, save the city.

In this case, amnesia is preventing the recognition of what first really made Detroit thrive. Similarly, Rochester, New York, was once the home of many scientific and advanced technological equipment makers that formed the basis of a growing, diverse economy.

Kodak eventually bought up most of them and Rochester became a one company town.

But a few years ago, this photography pioneer was overpowered by the new digital competition and Kodak went bankrupt.

It shed many of its components and became mostly a printing company.

Abstract (in English)

Well, many of those laid off workers of those individual components started their own new small companies and Rochester, the former company town, once again is evolving a diversified economy, something few remember that it once had. Also, observe the proliferation in small towns and big cities all over the U.

In the s, these markets were still disappearing, torn down as economically irrelevant in the age of the supermarket. Pike Place, by the way, was targeted for demolition by Urban Renewers but saved after a fierce battle by local activists. New and revived markets started re-emerging as the renewed interest grew in local, regional and organic foods. Now, like the New York City Greenmarket that opened in , such markets are proliferating everywhere and growing exponentially by the thousands.

The markets have saved many struggling farms and given birth to new ones. This is an old idea in a renewed form and most American communities and cities have forgotten that a local market system ever existed.

Many of these new markets are the catalyst downtown needed to revive. And with the growth of new markets and fresh food outlets has grown the proliferation of new artisanal foods from new mustards to local beers and wines. Real food markets, not chain stores, are the real outlets for these new products. This is food production on 29 the micro-scale having an impact on the macro-scale.

Today, with these emerging technologies, we can go back to artisans, which will be great for local communities that spawn a leadership and workers able to take advantage of these emerging technologies.

Today, in America at least, few people remember that we once had probably the most intricate and well-connected rail network in the world.

It was an efficient, wellfunctioning and geographically farreaching national rail network. We also had an extraordinarily efficient, well-connected local transit system connecting towns and cities all over the US.

It used to be said, one could travel from the far reaches of Maine to Chicago on a pocket full of nickels, transferring from one urban streetcar system with a nickel fare to an interurban network connecting cities and then repeating that pattern again and again from one distant city to the next. Steel and others, all of whom were involved in the manufacture of cars and buses. They bought out streetcar systems first in two small cities in Ohio and Michigan, closed them down, paved 30 over the tracks and replaced the systems with rubber tire buses.

This was during the Depression when cities large and small needed money desperately. It was a short-term gain. The pattern repeated itself around the country for the next several decades. Even in New York, we had streetcars, trolleys and elevated rail lines everywhere that were closed and wiped out under the leadership of Robert Moses.

The national rail system was further undermined when the Interstate Highway Act combined with the Urban Renewal program swept through and demolished urban neighborhoods and small towns across the country. In many American communities where I go to lecture, I am often shown neighborhoods that date from early in the 20th century.

That is amnesia. Today, local networks are actually being recreated piece by piece in many localities where new, modern light rail systems are being built or expanded. Communities across the country now want more of these light rail systems but there is little government money to support them.

Instead, we continue to subsidize new highway building or highway expansion in a big way, crippling the potential of increased rail. For example, Amtrak, our only national rail system, was created a number of years ago by Congress but ordered to become selfsustaining financially. No transit system anywhere that I know of can be viable financially on its own.

Nor, in fact, can any road system pay for itself. So we have a railroad that is very expensive to ride, inefficient to run and crippled by lack of investment in upgrades and modernization. This actually reflects a purposeful governmental policy that heavily subsidizes the airplane and automobile industries but not rail.

If it were cheaper and more efficient to take a train to more places, driving and flying would loose passengers. As always, there is a politically potent corporate policy that explains a mistaken governmental policy. And the airplane, road, car and truck lobbyists are there, too, in full force, all stacked against transit.

This scenario played out in Europe as well but in different guises.

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Many more networks of streetcars and train systems remain in Europe than certainly in the US but many have been lost or diminished. In Central Europe, however, right after the wall came down, several telltale events unfolded. One was the immediate presence all over Central and Eastern Europe of automobile lobbyists promoting the building of new or expanded highways. Second, we saw countries shrink their support of rail lines needing upgrades and reinvestment.

Some lines were closed. Third, Central Europe saw a surge of new car downloads and the development of huge shopping malls that made US malls look small and quaint. But Jacobs was also prescient in another way, alerting that overcoming amnesia was possible.

Even though Jacobs was warning us of a potential dark age, she also believed that destructive change over time can be healed. In many of the question and answer sessions, for example, that have followed the opening this April of the new film about Jacobs called Citizen Jane, the question is often asked, how did Jane feel about Haussmann in Paris.

I discussed this question recently with her son because, although I knew her for almost 30 years and shared many conversations, I could not remember discussing Haussmann.

Jane had apparently offered two observations about Haussmann. First, she noted, that the neighborhoods she found most appealing in Paris were not touched by Haussmann. Second, she observed, it was encouraging to notice that after so many decades, Paris repaired itself from the demolition damage of Haussmann. She saw that as a hopeful sign, a sign that cities today can, over time, repair themselves in a socially, economically and politically positive way. This had happened in many a once heavily demolished and damaged American city.

Nibbling away the spirit of place in protected urban areas

At a time, as now, of so many discouraging, patterns of redevelopment, I choose to take heart from this observation and believe that, like in so many ways, Jane Jacobs is right. Maybe some of our most destructive mistakes can be healed. It is not easy to be hopeful with so many negative things happening and so many mindless people in power.

But if citizens put their minds to it, it is amazing what can be done. To start, the art of protest is revived and going strong. That gives me hope. This paper attempts to give both an overview and an assessment of her oeuvre as a whole: her books and actual contributions, the state of empirical verification of her main ideas, and the limits and controversies surrounding her approaches.

Throwing light on her diverse facets, this paper examines her place and impact — from a pioneer of the young discipline of urban studies and a theorist in spatial economics to her status as an interdisciplinary thinker.

Key words — Jane Jacobs, urban studies, spatial economics, ecology, culture Introduction I should approach these sheets with reverent eye, Thinking, with mental halo, how I sought The perfect word to clothe the perfect thought… Jacobs, a []: 9 Jane Jacobs published this early poem in the New York Herald Tribune in , a year after arriving in New York in the mids depression.

She was The girl who used nickels to explore as a flaneur the city and its diverse population came to almost singlehandedly revolutionize a discipline, and to achieve a presence in at least another.

In fact, no other theorist in urban studies comes close to her influence. She is the only one to come near the volume of citations and mentions of powerhouses in geography and urban philosophy, David Harvey and Henri Lefebvre figure 1. Loss of diversity appears as a negative effect of large-scale generic urbanisation solutions, which neglect the particular features of each locale.

In the second part of her book Jacobs indicates elements that she believed shape the physical conditions for its development, such as: different combined uses in the composition of neighbourhoods, ensuring the co- presence of people at different times; short blocks, which affect the frequency of opportunities for turning corners; places with different ages of buildings in different states of repair, which enable a range of economic income; and finally a sufficient density of people in the place, including residents.

Moreover, her praise of density is part of her criticism of modern planning strategies that stimulate the shift of the population to the suburbs and adoption of apartment blocks, prioritizing vehicle routes and consequently weakening collective interaction. Such design stimulates the opposite of diversity: segregation, accompanied by a sense of insecurity in the public space. Microeconomics and density are here combined in support of a lively, safe and diverse public life.

Familiar figures — such as traders — help towards security by acting as observers in the public space, stimulating mutual trust and a feeling of protection. She sees microeconomics as a positive element for diversity that traverses and reconciles the architectural and social dimensions of the public space.

We will now look at certain inconsistencies in her ideas, in an attempt to make critical 5 6 progress into important issues about the public space that are either absent or incomplete in her work. What the eyes of Jacobs did not see While Jacobs celebrates the spontaneity of everyday interactions in the public space, she also seems sometimes to invite us to question how much she values that same aspect.

Here lies one of our first concerns: how much does the spontaneity advocated by Jacobs depart or not from a view of the ordering of space? How far can the exercise of spontaneity be associated with material conditions? Jacobs considers familiar figures to be the sharpest eyes on the street because they are able to recognise changes in rhythm and disruptions of order, that is, conflicts.

As we have seen, the possibility of conflict is a fundamental feature for the political production of the public space, which presupposes a platform open to variety, different modes of appropriation, and therefore allows dissent.

This contradiction sometimes derives from the fact 6 7 that the neighbourhoods Jacobs uses as positive examples such as North End in Boston and the West Village in New York , were at the time ethnically white neighbourhoods, whose blocks had already been partially modernised, socially homogeneous and formed of a select group of working middle class: generally journalists, architects and artists GANS, This is the block we know from films, [ Berman addresses this somewhat acerbically: If we look back a little sceptically at her vision of her block, we may see the trouble.

Her inventory of the people in her neighbourhood has the aura of […] a Hollywood version […]: every race, creed and colour working together to keep America free for you and me. This is what makes her neighbourhood vision seem pastoral: it is the city before the blacks got there […] There is nothing and no one above; what matters more here, however, is that there is nothing and no one below BERMAN, , p.

But we do have some questions about their directions.

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Difference offers the possibility of the other, of incorporating the other sides of the city and valuing them as legitimates sides of our everyday existence. Secondly, Jacobs points to density as a factor generating diversity, facilitating proximity between groups, which might lead to co-presence between individuals.

But we should note that although proximity enables significant interactions between individuals and between them and the space, it does not necessarily produce them.

Thus we can say that it is the quality not the quantity of socio-spatial interactions that significantly differentiates some spaces from others: that is, intensity. Intensity5 is a measure of emphasis rather than volume; of interaction and not the mere coexistence of a number of people; of what is significant, acquiring meaning through contrast rather than what is homogenous and even.

As Sennet says a, p. The italicized word, for instance, serves as a marker that it is important. The means aggregated or reinforced by which as space acquires intensity are not neutral, therefore, and are determined by specific political- cultural content.

In short: not every space is dense and intense, the opposite is also true. Another issue concerns her advocation of the need for clear separation between the public and private space as a way of maintaining security. Jacobs does not clarify this in depth, but states that the area to be monitored the street needs to relate to the clear physical boundaries between public and private space. Agreeing with Jacobs that socio-spatial interactions tend be weakened by the modern model of the city 6 , we still question her emphasis on the separation of private and public, which seems somewhat detached from the rest of her argument.

Initially offering a more integrative approach — able to overcome dichotomies and find a possible reconciliation of spatial and social dimensions, connecting them to the micro economy — this later idea seems to resonate with a physical determinism that is far from that view.

Urban planning is the State: it is part of it. But developers and state agencies built these designs, and, with her intelligence and progressive political activism, Jacobs should not have ignored the power of capital that they wielded ZUKIN, , p.

Blaming planners for designing whole neighbourhoods as spaces that alienated the relationship between occupants and the city, she did not use the same force in discussion of the powers of capital and the State, which defined and still do what is and is not built in the city ZUKIN, Such expressions of a public space are exactly the opposite of those of Jacobs.Urbana, Curitiba, v.

The book was criticized in Canada, for its understanding of local politics. The Fall of public man. La autora era periodista, ensayista y activista; se llamaba Jane Jacobs. It was an efficient, wellfunctioning and geographically farreaching national rail network.

Not necessarily. Laying emphasis on this fact, in her book "The Death and Life of Great American Cities", Jane Jacobs underlines cities as an ecology formed by processes operating with its existing dynamics like its structures, economies and ethics Rowe, In the second part of the book Jacobs argues that cities preceded agriculture.

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