Pohl, Walter, Economic geology: principles and practice: metals, minerals, coal and hydrocarbons introduction to formation and sustainable exploitation of mineral deposits / Walter L. Pohl. .. Water resources protection. Request PDF on ResearchGate | On Oct 1, , Richard H. Sillitoe and others published Walter L. Pohl () Economic geology: principles and practice. Economic geology: principles and practice: metals, minerals, coal and hydrocarbons introduction to formation and sustainable exploitation of mineral deposits / Walter L. Pohl. p. cm. .. Human societies need sufficient water, productive.

Economic Geology Water Pohl Pdf

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The results of the Survey work in economic geology have been published in a .. water. iron, sapphires, mineral water. ble, clay. metal. quicksilver, stone. Humanitys ever-increasing hunger for mineral raw materials,caused by a growing global population and ever increasingstandards of living, has resulted in . Economic Geology Principles and Practice. Metals, Minerals, Coal and Hydrocarbons — Introduction to Formation and Sustainable Exploitation of Mineral.

This book provides a broad panorama of mineral deposits, covering their origin and geological characteristics, the principles of the search for ores and minerals, and the investigation of newly found deposits. Practical and environmental issues that arise during the life cycle of a mine and after its closure are addressed, with an emphasis on sustainable and "green" mining. The central scientific theme of the book is to place the extraordinary variability of mineral deposits in the frame of fundamental geological processes.

The book is written for earth science students and practicing geologists worldwide. Professionals in administration, resource development, mining, mine reclamation, metallurgy, and mineral economics will also find the text valuable. Economic Geology is a fully revised translation of the the fifth edition of the German language text Mineralische und Energie-Rohstoffe. Additional resources for this book can be found at: The author's website can be found at: Request permission to reuse content from this site.

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Practitioners would also gain insights into fields well beyond their specialities, which was certainly the case with this reviewer.

Economic Geology: Principles and Practice merits a place on the shelves of all university and geological society libraries. Summing Up: Highly recommend. Principles and Practice by Walter L. Pohl, to any students, professional geologists and others in the related industries, and anyone interested in mineral ores, and in the environmental aspects of economic geology. This book is especially important is a time of escalating demand for minerals and ores of all types, in a world facing ever increasing population and environmental and sustainability pressures.

Undetected country. Personal attachment to the object of study by those that chose to become involved also played a role. In both cases, the science that was done avoided subjects that appeared too controversial; e. The use of preexisting categories and processes, in turn, played in favor of certain political agendas; e. When research programs and policies legitimize each other this reinforces both the research methods and the policy guidelines particular to the network of actors involved.

In other cases, methods may be used inappropriately leading to demonstrably inaccurate results, as shown by Forsyth 34 for the use of the Universal Soil Loss Equation in northern Thailand. Budds 35 showed for the case of the La Ligua river basin how a physical water scarcity framing of the responsible government agency led to the commissioning of a purely physical modeling study.

Not only did the subsequent policy ignore any limitations of the model, further calculations were added post hoc to satisfy the majority of water demands under political—economic pressure.

This process reinforced the physical scarcity framing, though contested, and maintained the government agency's position of control over water use. At the same time, the existing unequal pattern of water use that gave rise to the situation in the first place was reproduced. Lane et al. In their case study, the dominant narrative was that climate change rather than land use management would be the dominant flood risk driver to the s.

Closer inspection of the modeling methodology showed that this analysis assumed that development control would effectively constrain floodplain development, i. This means the narrative was not simply a neutral one, but one that would need to effect change within the drainage basin so as to reproduce the assumptions behind the model and such that the model could be deemed correct.

Alatout, in a series of articles, traced the historical coproduction of water science with imperial and nation—state borders in historic Palestine. He showed that water became the main object of geological investigation when groundwater resources became politically relevant in postimperial nation—state building. The imperial legacy and the political process of s border drawing thereby structured what could be imagined as the geohydrology that was subsequently researched and, in turn, used to legitimize those borders.

The borders were such that surface water was not politically relevant, and it did not feature in these first water resources assessments.

Alatout went on to show how in the first decade of the Israeli state the view of abundance gave way to the now familiar water scarcity narrative, and corresponding science, which was enabled by, and legitimized, a turn to centralized water management that was important for nation—state consolidation.

Ignorance, for that matter—that is what we could know but do not—is as much subject to coproduction as what we know. Each party could continue to interpret the sparse data in such a way as to construct a conceptual hydrogeological model that fitted their preexisting perspectives of the situation.

The influence of economic imperatives on science is perhaps most striking in the case of the ecosystem services concept. Robertson 41 argued that what is a service is fundamentally determined by what can be marketed and sold, which drives the need to measure this service scientifically, not the other way round. Measuring ecosystem services, in turn, has been fraught with uncertainties. National Research Council document from , which asks ecological models explicitly to produce the output that economic models require as input.

Often, this economic influence is much less explicit, but exists despite continued reluctance by some ecologists and hydrologists to put a measure of value on what many consider invaluable. To be sure, the ecosystem services concept performs a great variety of functions for many actors in different contexts, enables new alliances and brings about discourses and interventions that reinforce certain agendas while marginalizing others. The political ecologists we cited in particular have insisted that this prevalent knowledge is always contested overtly or not by alternative framings, and that people are implicated by this knowledge despite not having had a say in its production.

While these insights have often remained descriptive, a form of critique of the traditional portrayal of scientific knowledge, recent scholarship at the intersection of STS and political ecology has begun to encourage scientists to be more reflexive about their own practices and lead them to reimagine the way research is performed.

It is this opening up that forces scientists to turn away from their normal networks of knowledge production, i. For the most part, this literature has not been motivated by the coproductionist critique, apart from a few notable cases.

Because transdisciplinarity is centered on knowledge production, we focus on the considerably smaller literature on participatory water research here. An overview of participatory water governance is given elsewhere. For example, problems may not be recognized such as groundwater pollution , denied to exist by some stakeholders such as flood risk, water scarcity, or nitrogen pollution or may only exist for a specific stakeholder such as microbial pollution or biodiversity reduction.

A transdisciplinary approach can help make explicit the varied interests and bring together the scattered and fragmented knowledge held by many different people. It provides no clear guidance for dealing with existing distributions of power within a society that may impede certain people from contributing. Participatory research is well recognized as being vulnerable to manipulation by powerful interest groups.

This might be generated through the use of objects, 47 brought by participants, which demonstrate their personal connection to the issue at stake Box 4. Hence, participatory modeling efforts need to be carefully interrogated to understand exactly what kind of coproduction is implied. Jonsson et al. Who is to be involved in the modeling process? How is the system to be modeled e.

How is the model to be set up? How is the model to be used?

Where is the participation situated in terms of the wider modeling process? Some key points emerge. First, there are considerably fewer accounts of participatory modeling where the process began, literally, with a blank piece of paper, with little idea as to what was going to be modeled Jonsson et al.

Examples include Videira et al. Even in cases where the problem to be modeled was coframed by the participants, how it was going to be modeled was often a decision of the professional modeler.

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Second, given the former observation, it is not surprising that much participatory modeling involves the adoption of existing models Jonsson et al. In addition, model building is a highly technical activity where there may be a considerable differentiation in the ability of participants to take part. But the role of technical specialists, such as modelers, in participatory processes should be a delegated role that is renegotiable by all participants.

Third, accounts of participatory modeling rarely think through who should be involved in the process Jonsson et al. This is perhaps where there is a gap between the participatory modeling community and the wider debates surrounding participation discussed in the main text. There is often a clear division of labor Jonsson et al. For instance, Giupponi et al. In parts, this division of labor is due to the aforementioned technical challenges that limit participation in some elements of the modeling process.

Yet, it needs to be challenged if participatory modeling is to engender a deeper understanding of the modeling process, its advantages and limitations among the participants.

Fourth, there is widespread acceptance that participatory modeling helps in the setting up of models Jonsson et al. Such acceptance reflects one of the critical challenges of hydrological models; their strength is realized through the combination of a supposed generality with the boundary conditions that make them work in particular places.

Participatory modeling bridges these two very different kinds of knowledge, providing the boundary information that can be so hard to acquire, and thus making modeling a more effective exercise. Thus, participatory modeling has the potential to bridge two kinds of knowledge systems that easily find themselves in conflict.

But there is also evidence of a less utilitarian view, where participatory modeling serves the heuristic purpose 61 of moving attention away from mere deliberation toward practice and the production of knowledge.

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For instance, while participatory modeling may help in making progress in situations of conflict, 97 there may remain a wider political and cultural economy in the modeling process, such as informal assumptions encoded in models, 5 which is not clarified when only model predictions are visualized and discussed.

To date, there have been surprisingly few critical interrogations of participatory modeling in water research and most of these accounts have been written by those who advocated and instigated the process in the first place.

First, the focus was upon locations that were controversial; i. Second, local people were recruited for whom flooding was a matter of personal and not professional concern, who worked together with academic participants to produce new knowledge in relation to flooding in each locality. Thus, ECGs are not designed to be democratically accountable in some kind of majoritarian sense.

Rather, they are designed to construct a new understanding of a problem that may act to slow down or even change the direction of existing thinking, within democratically accountable processes.

Third, the ECGs were not designed to be deliberative. Rather, they aimed to produce new framings of the problem through the production of new knowledge; i. From these entry points, the ECGs discussed past events, comparing and contrasting experiences, looked at reports, debated understandings and positions, and eventually identified the kinds of knowledge that needed to be produced. In both river basins, the framing that the ECGs developed tied knowledge production to predictive modeling and the data needed to sustain those models.

Local participants as well as academics formulated what the models should do and were actively involved in setting them up, using them, and discussing the results.

Finally, the objective of the ECGs was not to produce solutions. Rather, each ECG was able to create new knowledge about flood risk that was able to move the controversy on.

Thus, one ECG produced an exhibition, attended by over people, which in turn spurned a demonstration project by national government to take the work forward. This followed more conventional flood risk management procedures, ones which had previously rejected the kinds of ideas that the ECG produced.

Transdisciplinarity should not be equated with achieving consensus among participants.

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In such fora, it is critical for participants to accept that they should be putting their own knowledge to the test. But, in the spirit of being scientific, it may be much more appropriate to work with material e. That is, knowledge begins to be produced when we reject what it is we think we know already and we do so through things and objects rather than discourse.

An equally important element is making something together, new knowledge.Geochemistry and origin of the Holocene sapropel in the Black Sea.

Johnson, William P. Ignorance, for that matter—that is what we could know but do not—is as much subject to coproduction as what we know. Forgot your username? Freeman and Company.

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