Available in the National Library of Australia collection. Author: Ihsan bin Dahlan, Kiai, ; Format: Book; xxv, p. ; 18 cm. Syaikh Ihsan Jampes is the author of Kitab Kopi dan Rokok ( avg rating, 52 ratings, 2 reviews, published ). Like otherkitab kuning(specific religious books regarding laws), this book is presented in the .. Kitab Kopi dan Rokok. (A. Murtadho, & M. Dje.

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Kitab Kopi Dan Rokok Untuk Para Pecandu Rokok Dan Penikmat Kopi Berat by myfriends8inblock. Download as PDF or read online from Scribd. Flag for. PDF | 29 hours read | A collection of extended abstracts. Transliterasi Manuskrip Perubatan Melayu/Kitab Tib. Projek ini telah berjaya. Hukum Meminum Kopi Luwak (Musang) () Hukum Penyembelihan Ahli Kitab (Yahudi dan Nasrani). () . Rokok Elektronik Dan Vape ().

Moreover, Sinhala and Tamil are similar to one another in many aspects of grammar, i.

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However, we also find main- tenance of old Malay features in some areas of the grammar, which derive from the conflicting patterns in the adstrates that compromise selection.

While in the noun phrase we see mostly Lankan grammar, in the verb phrase of SLM we find a number of Malay-like and innovative features: Simply put, the fact that speakers of SLM prefer verb-final word order, follow Lankan rules in marking grammatical relations, and structure events according to a combination of Malay and Lankan strat- egies is predictable from a close scrutiny of the social and typological aspects of all the languages involved in the multilingual ecology of Sri Lanka.

The effects of exceptionalism are illustrated in the quote below: Given the ongoing contro- versy concerning their validity as a special language type and the highly specific social circumstances which warrant their emergence, we choose not to expand the present volume into this field.

Aikhenvald and Dixon Whatever it may be, quotes such as the above justify the necessity of a volume such as this one, which aims to integrate the lessons learnt from the study of CLF with general linguistic theories.

As we will see, CLF is as normal and spontaneous as any other linguistic process.

And the social settings in which it occurs are by no means rare and typify much of human history, including the present time of globalization.

The exceptional nature ascribed to contact languages and Creoles, I argue, derives from a biased understanding of the motivations behind language change but cf. Baker ; Arends, Muysken and Smith It has been proposed that exceptionalism is partly the result of a field that has so far relied heavily on studies based on situations dominated by Western colonial powers and the ecolinguistic environments they create DeGraff ; Ansaldo and Matthews In that field, Eurocentric notions that originate in nineteenth-century nation-state ideology have shaped, and still influence, our views on linguistic classification and language purism.

These notions, often supported in trad- itional philological and historical linguistic environments, fail to capture the nature of the relationships and interaction of different languages in other parts of the world, as already pointed out in a number of studies on languages in Australia Dixon and Laos Enfield The limitations implicit in such a field are at least two: Introduction 15 1.

The input—output relation. Typically, we look at encounters between isolat- ing languages e. West African and fusional ones Standard European where the latter occupy a position of power. With such constant typological and social aspects, we predict similar outputs albeit with variation to arise from the contact environment. As mentioned in section 1. Likewise, the grammatical systems in contact in this region include Chinese, Austronesian and South Asian varieties, thus offering a new perspective on the effects of typological admixture.

The idealized transfer model. This view has deeply influenced current theories of language transmission. But, crucially, compulsory education for the masses, standardization and monolingualism are part of what is a recent, Western European reality.

They are not typ- ical of human history, nor common across the world. The study of past, and to some extent present, Asian ecologies clearly shows that frequent and widespread multilingualism or multilectalism is the norm, and that casual, rather than formal, transmission is very frequent.

Observing such contexts can add valuable knowledge to our understanding of patterns of second and third language acquisition in diverse multilingual contexts cf. Siegel Again, the case of Sri Lanka Malay shows how typological congru- ence in the multilingual pool can go a long way in explaining the types of admixture that speakers undergo as a consequence of being heavily exposed to languages such as Sinhala and Tamil during the formative years of the Malay Diaspora.

The general assumption in this study is that language contact, i. Social and grammatical hybridity, which I treat as the result of new identity forma- tion, is what defines the most fundamental aspects of the continuously chan- ging, heteroglossic communities of our world Whinnom ; Croft ; Ansaldo a. This hybridity needs to be understood in terms of degree: In the latter, an ecology within which various Malay-like languages are spoken, and where there is little socio-cultural pressure to trigger change, the grammatical output will be less divergent from the input see chapters 6 and 7.

Contact between humans from different ethnic and linguistic groups is one of the dominant factors for the spread of material and social cultures.

Many modern cities of today rest on the remains of what used to be ancient markets, border crossings or common waterways, where practitioners of dif- ferent cultures and languages came to trade. Many such spaces still exist in the non-Westernized world, and language contact as well as contact language formation are still very much part of our human landscape.

It is the kind of language maintenance which requires the compil- ation of vocabularies, elaboration of spelling and grammatical norms, schools and academic institutions and an army of fierce language purists that appears abnormal from a human communicative point of view.

Therefore, in order to understand fully the nature of human language and communication, we need to first understand the natural, spontaneous and creative use found in multilin- gual, untutored environments, of which CLF is a central part. Notes 1 The conversation is represented here not through standard English spelling, which would create the illusion of complete intelligibility between the language in ques- tion and English, nor through IPA, which would require linguistic training in order to be properly appreciated.

The numbers indicate pitch levels, where 5 is a high tone, and 1 is a low tone. See chapters 5 to 7 for notes of Singlish grammar.

The conversation courtesy of Lisa Lim goes something like this: Introduction 17 -Yes! Wow, he was sent to English class — is his English really so bad?

The government says one must speak good English. Otherwise people will think you are really Chinese-educated. This is a well-established feature of com- plex systems not unique to language Edelman This is especially so for the history of China as well as South and Southeast Asia, documented since ancient times in local chronicles and imperial histories, as well as by Western observers. Throughout its history, we can observe the rise and fall of vibrant, multicultural coastal com- munities such as Melaka,1 some of which are, to this day, global centres of trade for example, Singapore.

It is in these patterns of discovery, commerce and urbanization that different peoples meet and shape a crucial part of the linguistic history of the region, a phenomenon existing already in precolonial times.

It is therefore necessary to take a close look at the history and geography that define this region and set the stage for the human interaction within which new communities — and languages — arise. Political relations such as the protectionism that China offered to a number of vassal states provided periodic exchanges of goods, information and technology, as well as constant exchanges of envoys and visiting parties.

The spread of religious doctrines, in particular Islam and Buddhism, was supported by a network of travelling scholars as well as numerous religious academies throughout the region, where scholars gathered around the teaching and trans- lation of texts.

All this was favoured by the climatic pattern of the monsoons. Bond servants, a common cultural feature of the region, also led to cultural admixture and, later, to population movement, and constituted, together with the intense commerce in spices and other valuable goods, the dominant force behind the establishment of self-regulated, quasi-egalitarian, multicultural coastal communities, in particular the city-ports.

As we will see, it is in the ecology of these city-ports, within which cultures blend and new identities are negotiated, that new languages evolve over time. Since oceans and seas have often been recognized as fundamental structures for the understanding of human history, in this chapter I present the history of the region as defined by its waters Pearson I focus especially on the structure and the dynamics of the Southeast Asian peninsular region, as this is, in many ways, the heart of Monsoon Asia.

The geographical area discussed in this volume can be visualized as extend- ing from the Indian subcontinent in the west all the way to the southeastern corner of China to the east.

Its northern and southern boundaries are marked by the tropic of Cancer and the tropic of Capricorn respectively.

In viewing a region, it is its geophysical properties that define a number of constraints on patterns of human movements that are relevant for our understanding of history. In the case of bodies of water, special attention is given primarily to winds, as these determine the range of movements possible, as well as to choke points, such as straits, channels, and islands, as possible stops on the journey between places Pearson In this respect, the most defining structural aspect of the Asian region discussed here is clearly the pattern of monsoon winds.

Starting in the Arabian Gulf as early as April, the southwest monsoon moves across the Indian Ocean and then into the South China Sea, peaking in strength around July and then starting to weaken throughout August and September.

By October, the northeast monsoon starts blowing from the South China Sea in the opposite direction, engulfing basically the whole of Southeast Asia by the month of January. It eventually weakens until the system starts again in April with the southwest monsoon. Throughout the monsoon region, peoples at sea were always assured of availability of regular routes to distant markets as well as a return home, no matter how far they travelled, a fact that encouraged long- range voyaging.

This regular pattern of winds has supported and encouraged economic, cultural, and diplomatic exchanges in the Indian Ocean since the dawn of history, bringing into contact the South China Sea with the Indonesian archipelago, the Indian subcontinent, the Arabian Peninsula, and the eastern and southern African coast McPherson The monsoon pattern also encouraged the establishment of temporary settle- ments, the result of traders needing to wait for the change in monsoon in order to return home.

One of the consequences of this natural rhythm was the estab- lishment of relatively stable overseas communities, as can be seen in the case of the city-ports of Melaka, Batavia Jakarta , and Macau, among others.


While new ports and new communities were being created, ties with the country of origin were not necessarily cut, as there was ultimately, in most cases, an inten- tion to return home. Therefore, cultural ties between new and original commu- nities were maintained until the early modern era see section 2.

Crucially, many of the city-ports mentioned in this book were already established before the arrival of European colonizers, as is shown in the histories of Java e. This is also confirmed by the trade languages that emerged, in particular the contact Malay varieties discussed in chapter 3. In these regional centres which developed as a consequence of maritime trade and which must be seen as interethnic and multicultural settlements, we also find social patterns that differ markedly from the inland agricultural socio-economic structures.

The former tended to be cosmopolitan and het- erogeneous communities with dynamic populations that followed monsoon rhythms, while the latter were typically conservative and more homogeneous, stable societies Reid a, b; Pearson Historians tend to describe the city-ports as united by shared cultural beliefs and practices that go beyond eth- nic and linguistic ancestral identification.

Religious rituals, for example, are typically focussed on celebrating the sea and safe passage, rather than land- based rites typical of the inland. Traditional Muslim and Hindu cultures have in fact been sceptical and timorous of the sea, thus not really encouraging sea trade; however, living in the city-ports meant distancing themselves from orthodox beliefs in order for individuals and communities to engage in such trade.

This distinguished land-bound agricultural people from seafaring ones. The recognition of this sense of unity provided by a shared economic lifestyle, together with the pluralistic ethnic and cultural composition of coastal settlements, is important in order to appreciate the nature of bonding that typifies these networks and offers a fertile ground for the formation of new languages.

For one thing, the city-ports were quite removed from the centralized, homogenizing ideology of one nation, one race, one language that Western colonizers would eventually introduce into the region.

Furthermore the degree of intercultural exchange across the Indian Ocean region was very high, as is manifest in the nature of lexical borrowing: While islands are rare and far apart throughout most of the Indian Ocean, and were usually uninhabited until recently, as is the case for the Cocos Keeling Islands see chapter 3 , the Indonesian archipelago stands out as a cluster of smaller and larger islands with a long history and a significant role in the devel- opment of the region.

Because of its central position within Monsoon Asia, as well as its natural resources, in particular the highly desired spices found especially in the Maluku Islands,4 the Indonesian archipelago and the Strait of Melaka define much of the history of this region, providing a focal point for Chinese as well as Indian economic and political activity Reid , b, Because of this central role, akin to that of the Mediterranean in the west Reid In the historical chronicles of the Ming Dynasty AD — , it reads: The Emperor had previously issued instructions to the officials in the Ministry of Rites, saying: Those who came with local goods were allowed to trade and had things made easy for them.

When there were people who did not know how to control their envy or offended against legal regulations, all were forgiven, as a way of cherishing those from distant lands. Now all in the four seas are one family. It is proper that we widely proclaim that there are no outsiders. You should send instructions to these countries so that they are clearly aware of my will.

Traders from the Arab Peninsula, India, and China, who could easily sail back and forth seasonally following the monsoon patterns, had been attracted to the spice trade between Maluku, Sumatra, Malaysia, and Sri Lanka from early times. Concrete evidence of the use of cloves can be found in Chinese historiography from as early as the third century BC, and then later in the fourteenth century AD, with specific reference to the Maluku Islands Reid An even larger and more active network was to be established by Chinese, Arab, and Javanese traders from the fourteenth century onwards, with Melaka as the principal port and trade centre, as described below.

Evidence of the intensity of contacts lies in the existence of the trade language known as Bazaar Malay, characterized as a language of interethnic communication from as early as the seventh century AD, which developed as a consequence of the spice trade and its related activ- ities Adelaar and Prentice ; chapter 3 of this volume.

Their influence in Southeast Asia is particularly distinct- ive in cultural aspects, such as the arts, and in literature and writing. Indian influence in general is present in the languages of Indonesia and Malaysia, the clearest being from Sanskrit, which forms the bulk of loanwords in Indonesian and is still a source for many neologisms.

The presence of Arabic in the region should also be acknowledged, particularly intensive from the thir- teenth century onwards in relation to religion and trade.

Arabic lexical influ- ence is consequently heavy in Malay. An example of a mixed language that may be related to Indian influence is Chitty Malay, in which Malay blends with South Indian features see chapter 3.

Likewise, a particular style of literary Malay used for religious texts, known as Kitab Malay, is rich in Arabic syntac- tic influence Adelaar a: During the Yuan Dynasty AD — , the Mongol Empire, at the peak of its strength, covered an extremely vast area, from northern China to mainland Southeast Asia, and from the South China Sea to the eastern borders of Europe map 2. Not all of the Mongol reign was peaceful, though: In a bizarre turn of events, the Singhasari prince Vijaya managed to exploit the situation to his advantage and, after expelling the Mongol forces, founded the Majapahit Empire, which was to become the strong- est precolonial empire of the Indonesian archipelago.

Under this empire, Java rose to become a cosmopolitan centre where merchants from China, Cambodia, Vietnam then Dai Viet , Thailand then Siam and India traded goods — spices, in particular, but also technology and culture Reid , a. During the fourteenth century, trade with South China intensified, as attested by Chinese historians, and the relationship between China and Indonesia became particularly tight. The former, together with the island of Hainan, offers the shortest possible route to mainland Southeast Asia, and has traditionally had strong cultural and historical links with that region see map 2.

The latter had two fundamental reasons to concentrate on the sea: Therefore the Fujian region relied for its economy on its fish- ing and trading fleets, and its seafarers became the most intrepid travellers of China, as is attested to this day by their large presence in many Southeast Asian countries, especially Indonesia and Malaysia, but also Thailand, Vietnam and the Philippines Pan While Chinese communities had already started to appear in Southeast Asia in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, by the fourteenth century their presence was well established McPherson Later in that century, historical sources record a shift from Chinese involvement to Javanese Muslim presence in the trade.

This is an important factor as it attests to the length and intensity of cultural contacts and intermix- ing of Chinese and Javanese, which led to new cultural identities in particular during the urbanization witnessed in the city-ports see section 2.

This shift in identities is supported by two parallel developments: The latter factor is relevant in this account for two reasons elaborated on in the follow- ing sections: At the same time, the Ming rulers commanded official missions, in the form of the imperial fleet, and sailed to Southeast Asia with economic as well as political mandates.

These missions have to be appreciated in an Asian con- text, as they did not involve small vessels with a few selected ambassadors. As already implied in the numbers of the Mongol punitive force mentioned above 20, strong , these were massive affairs with the full backing of imper- ial structures larger and more advanced than anything the West could even imagine in that period.

There were at least seven such missions between and under the command of the Chinese Muslim general Zheng He Reid Zheng He was a former court eunuch very close to the Emperor Yong Le.

Under his supervision, a large fleet was built that, at its height, counted up to three hundred ocean-going vessels capable of carrying as many as 30, sailors. The primary mandate of the fleet was not to pillage and conquer, but to establish new political alliances as well as to research and discover new regions.

At the same time, an important part of the expeditions was commerce. On their jour- neys, each fleet had to station on the northern coast of Java for several months waiting for the easterly monsoon to arrive and carry them towards Melaka. From the chronicles of general Zheng He, we learn of many Javanese ports in which Chinese communities already thrived, such as Palembang, Gresik, and Surabaya. The arrival of the imperial fleet in the early city-ports of the northern Javanese coast and the Melaka Straits enhanced the financial importance of the existing Chinese communities, as these were the natural point of contact between the fleet and indigenous powers.

Moreover, each expedition left behind substantial numbers of people, in the form of men and women traders, who became per- manent members of the coastal settlements Ming Shi Lu, vol. The Emperor turned the interests of the empire away from trade with the Southeast Asian region, ceased the missions between China and Java, and banned maritime commerce altogether.

This left the coastal communities of Guangdong and Fujian in an impossible economic situation, used as they were to relying on the sea as their main source of survival and profit. The result was an increased number of merchants from Canton and Fujian fleeing China in order to establish their trade elsewhere Reid b, , It is clear that this shift in international politics did not lead to a withdrawal of Chinese traders from the Monsoon region; rather, as argued in Ray , what we see is a shift from state-sponsored trade to private trade.

From the end of the fifteenth century, we see an increase in Chinese people in the coastal settlements of Southeast Asia, as well as a partial isolation of these communities from China. Java-born Chinese communities became pro- gressively indigenized, the result of a gradual mixing of Chinese, Javanese and Muslims that had started at least a century earlier section 2.

The Ioaos Javanese of Melaka described in Portuguese chronicles, and later encountered by the Dutch on the northern coast of Java e. In point of fact, the Malay maritime code of Melaka reflects Southern Min influence spoken in southern Fujian , e. The intensity of trade between China and the Malay world throughout this period is also attested in a colloquial Chinese—Malay lexicon in which a number of terms for items of trade are registered, dated around the mid-sixteenth century Collins While Arabs had been ubiquitous in the region since the eighth century, it was not until the thirteenth century that Islam spread and became a dominant religion.

A combination of various factors may have led to the success of Islam, in particular the internal fragmentation of Hindu politics, Sufi missionary work, and the reaction against a new aggressive force, Christianity Sardesai Between and , Muslim traders teamed up with Chinese interests and Sumatran factions opposed to the Majapahit Empire, and established the multiethnic port of Melaka, which quickly became the ruling centre of the region section 2.

However, for the purpose of this chapter — which is to outline those elements that form the ecology in which the contact languages described here evolved — Arab and Muslim history plays a very limited role and will therefore not be discussed in detail. It is clear that in precolonial times, people of Muslim faith were culturally integrated within the commercial culture of the city-ports.

It has to be noted that, first of all, there were at least two distinct Chinese groups, the Cantonese and the Hokkiens, as the Chinese with origins in southern Fujian are known in the region. Other prominent groups were the Hakka and the Teochew. These groups would have spoken mutually unintel- ligible languages, with high dialectal diversity within each group Norman ; Ansaldo Language and dialect diversity applies even more evidently to the peoples from different parts of the Indonesian world.

Java, Borneo, Maluku, Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula are inhabited by popula- tions known to be ethnolinguistically very diverse, and who speak varieties that are not mutually intelligible. In addition, one must factor in the presence of traders of Indian, Arab, and, later, Western provenance. Western sources also note how open and welcoming these city-ports were, virtually too diverse in terms of culture and religion to display feelings of superiority towards one another Marsden It is also important to understand that premodern Southeast Asia, defined as the period from the mid-fifteenth to the mid-nineteenth century AD Reid , had already started witnessing a real process of urbanization through a rapid growth of commerce and was, by the sixteenth century, one of the most urbanized regions of the world Reid The shift from agricultural states to city-based economies was the result of a number of factors.

Firstly, it was a continuation of, in particular, three influential trading empires of the first millennium: Funan, Champa, and Sri Vijaya Reid a: While the first was located on the Mekong region of Mainland Southeast Asia, the other two were based in the Indonesian archipelago.

The presence of influential trad- ing empires based in the Indonesian archipelago ensured an early dominance of a Malay-based language as the language of trade. Secondly, the continuing rivalry between Muslim and Hindu powers led the Hindu kingdoms to move eastwards, leaving a number of city-ports of northern Java and the strategic Malay Straits in a relatively independent position. These ports inherited a long tradition of regional, pluralistic meeting points and grew to become large urban centres.

As such, it offers an invaluable insight into the social and cultural dynamics of a community in which an important contact language flourished, namely, Baba Malay see chapter 7. Though the historical documents on precolonial life in Melaka are not exhaustive, they offer enough evidence of social life to show the particular propensity to incorporate exogenous patterns typical of city-ports, as well as the cosmopolitanism and multiculturalism that characterized the coastal dwellings of the region.

It is sheltered by the large mass of Sumatra, which provides protection from the monsoons and makes it a safe harbour for boats to anchor in. Malay and Portuguese sources show that it was the prince of Sri Vijaya Palembang, Sumatra , Paramesvara, who first established Melaka as a trade centre in , partly convincing and partly coercing boats to call at his port. In its early days, Melaka was inhabited by various people from the Indonesian region as well as by traders from Siam Thailand.

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Befriended by China, the city of Melaka gained a reputation for being unassail- able, and soon merchants and warehouses from India, China, Java, and Arabia competed with one another in the streets of the city. It was located between two different economic spheres: Its trading network extended as far as the Persian Gulf on one side, and Japan and the Philippines on the other.

It was a large city, with up to , inhabitants during the mon- soon season Thomaz The city-port can be described as a mercantilist state in which the sultan and the whole ruling class were engaged in trade. Trade was basically the only reason for Melaka to exist; it depended otherwise almost entirely on its neighbours and vassal states for its day-to-day subsistence.

For its protection Melaka relied on a mercenary Javanese army; for labour it made use of indentured servants, deployed as sailors, and royal slaves, who managed the trade.

It is likely that there were in Melaka around 3, public slaves and 3, private slaves.

The relationship between the state and the citizens was one of mutual collaboration: There were four principal communities in Melaka: Chinese, Javanese, Tamil and Gujarati. Next to these, Armenians, Jews and Arabs also lived in the city. It is reported that, in , five hundred different moneychangers could be found in just one street.

All kinds of goods were available in the city: Trade was administered through four official harbourmasters, one for each of the four dominant communities.

There is no evidence of discriminating taxation practices based on religion or ethnicity since all merchants were encouraged to reside in the city by the sultan. In fact anyone could become a merchant by free choice, and there were no ethnic groups not welcome by the state. Traders who did not own boats would invest their money with parts of ocean-going cargoes; if the trip was successful, they would receive part of the profit after having paid a commission to the ship- owner.

As residents of Melaka, they had the benefit of reduced import duties amounting to half of the standard 6 per cent. Instead, it recommends to parties in commerce to agree beforehand on sharing the profit, and determines that, if the capital is lost, no compensation shall be required, unless negligence is involved.

This commercial philosophy, we will see, stood in stark contrast to the aggressive exploitation introduced to the region later by the Portuguese and the Dutch.

The ecology of Monsoon Asia 33 The extensive degree of urbanization seen in Melaka, as well as other city- ports of the region, in this historical phase, can be accounted for in environ- mental terms Reid a: Besides the confluence of historical factors presented above, we must also note that a rice-based economy requires less effort to produce substantial surplus, when compared to barley and wheat.

Based on seventeenth-century estimates in Reid a: Further, as the city-ports were strategically positioned on waterways, they benefited from low-cost transportation. This account follows a detailed study in Reid a, b , according to which it was possible to dis- tinguish three different groups of merchants: Foreign merchants were in close relation with royal families and aristocrats, with whom they engaged in commerce.

It is in fact not always easy to distin- guish between the group of merchants and the group of aristocrats. Although status was an important element in the city-ports, and display of wealth and manpower was also common, the boundaries between the two groups were very fuzzy, and there was a lot of mobility across status lines Reid a: On the one hand, many aristocrats had started off as merchants; on the other hand, many royal families moved to the city-ports to become traders.

Also, it was possible for foreign merchants to join the local aristocracy through alliances, marriage, conversion, and so on within a generation.

When commerce started to lose momentum, wealthy merchants turned to investing in land and people. Reid a: Being foreign could be an advantage as it meant the availability of international networks as well as a certain degree of impartiality to local affairs.

These were permanent foreigners of very high status, as can be seen in the prominent role they had in the drafting of parts of the Malay Code of Maritime Law undang-undang laut. Five commanders nakhoda of maritime traders were involved in writing the code, in which nakhoda are given power over life and death onboard the ship and the right to sell their merchandise before any other merchant onboard upon arrival in a port.

Colonial chronicles give much attention to this group: It also appears that Chinese and Malay groups were the ones most closely associated with or identified as travelling merchants, a fact confirmed by Chinese historians Wang , and, along with other travelling merchants, spoke Malay as a first or second language Reid a: When Melaka was at its highest point of expansion, the elite of native merchants were either Javanese or Sino—Javanese and spoke Malay.

After the arrival of the Portuguese, many travelling merchants migrated, leading to the emergence of diasporic soci- eties throughout the region.

At the same time, Sino—Javanese presence survived Western occupation: Portuguese sources document the existence of a kampung Cina in Melaka, that is, a Chinese quarter; and Dutch sources report the pres- ence of Batavia today Jakarta, Indonesia Chinese in the city.

Islam was pragmatically adopted at the official level, and the law was adapted so as not to inhibit trade. For the same reasons, taxes were low, and the state did not control but rather participated in the economy of the sultanate.

It was a multicultural state where different groups were well represented and shared power in a quasi-egalitarian way; mobility between social classes was high.

In precolonial times, slavery accounted for only a small part of the economy see section 2. Geopolitically, Melaka was in relative harmony with its neigh- bours, offering a share of its wealth in exchange for provisions and manpower, though of course conflicts occurred.

It is interesting to note that Melaka, like most other city-ports of the region, was not fortified; it was not common for Asian city-ports to erect city walls, a practice which only developed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries after the arrival of the Portuguese and the Dutch Reid a: In this sense, though subject to centralized rule, they were places in which everything from legal systems to religious beliefs was negotiable and negoti- ated, until the recombination of aspects of originally different systems yielded the optimal system to suit the new, emerging social structures.

Similarly, these city-ports were linguistically extremely diverse, considering the number of dif- ferent languages found in such environments. As is typical of linguistically diverse ecologies, individual and societal multilingualism was frequent, and languages of interethnic communication, in the form of pidgins or any other lingua francas, abounded see chapter 3. Before we move on to the linguistic significance of this history, however, one more salient feature of the region needs to be discussed: Intermarriages between different lin- guistic groups, for example, may result in the emergence of mixed languages Matras and Bakker Slavery, which often implies substantial popula- tion movements, can result in the establishment of diasporic societies, again fertile ground for the evolution of new languages, as is obvious from genetic creolistics.

Moreover, investigating these domains reveals important aspects of social relations and allows us to better reconstruct the likely social envir- onments in which new communities and languages developed in this region. Let us examine these aspects in turn. Reid In Siam, for example, most trade passed through the hands of women Rabibhadana In precolonial Southeast Asia, women could be found in royal courts as attendants as well as armed guards; the female members of royal families engaged in trade just as their male counterparts and the sultan.

Considering the high numbers of travelling merchants, in particular the Chinese huasheng, temporary marriage for prag- matic reasons was a relatively common practice in the city-ports.

Travelling merchants were looked upon as prestigious elements of society, and it was common for them to be married to local women, who were looked upon as good business partners, capable of handling small trade and money changing and therefore a valuable resource.

This made women financially independ- ent and allowed them to be in control of their networks of relations. Besides offering local knowledge, women stayed behind to man the business while the men were away on trade during the monsoon season see Reid , Short-term marriage was particularly frequent among Chinese traders, but so too was divorce, which was facilitated by law. The practice extended to early Western arrivals too and perhaps continued even later.

List of Dutch loanwords in Indonesian

After the arrival of the Portuguese in the region, some of their commanders were offered local wives on Java and in the Maluku Pigafetta ; Albuquerque ; Barros and Couto ; Bausani Another widespread practice in the region was concubinage, especially common among wealthy men and members of royal families. Having numer- ous female partners just like having numerous servants, see below was regarded as an indication of status. Moreover, it provided upward mobility to women from poor social backgrounds who could become prosperous and respected Warren ; Reid The practice of males acquiring bonded women as housekeepers, assistants, and lovers was particularly pronounced in the Chinese communities, and Chinese traders were known to have many wives with whom they had many children Scott in Foster ; Dampier These women could be sold if the males returned to their home coun- try but, as the males often became rooted in the city-ports, the women would become their wives.

There is therefore a continuum between the practice of concubinage and interethnic marriage patterns in the region. It is important to note that female servants were in general not regarded as prostitutes in local cultures. And while servant—master relations were common, this only applied to unmarried women, as it was either forbidden or very dangerous to have relations with married servants Rabibhadana Given the fact that Chinese immigrants into the region were predominantly males and frequently took local wives, this is unsurprising.

But, crucially, Skinner points out that the main reason why the new communities emerged was the fact that the offspring of such unions were usually not incor- porated in indigenous societies.

This is partly because Chinese males often married women of mixed ethnic heritage and their children tended to stay and identify themselves within this intermediate social sphere rather than with the more indigenous one.

As we will see in the case of the Baba and the Sri Lanka Malays, in these social spheres, endogamy became the more common practice chapters 6 and 7. Moreover, these communities continued to develop during and after the establishment of European governance. As we will see in sec- tion 2. As we will clearly see in the formation of Baba Malay and Makista chapter 7 , intermar- riage alone is not always a sufficient condition for the evolution of new lan- guages.

It is only when exogamy is replaced by endogamy that real focussing happens, and it is only then that stabilization of the new variety occurs. The Southeast Asian region has often been taken to provide us with examples of relatively mild slavery compared to the inhuman conditions the Atlantic slave trade is mostly associated with Dampier ; Montesquieu Reid offers a particularly enlightened synthesis of patterns of slavery to be found in the Southeast Asian region before the arrival of Western powers: It is particularly fruitful to look at the transition from regional, rural practices to those found in the city-ports before and after the arrival of Western powers.

This gives us a good indication of the social dynamics of population structure and population movements in the city-ports.

A human being seen as property of another human; 2. A person who is on a lower level than the mass; 3. A person who performs compulsory work. These aspects are broad enough to allow different interpretations in different cultures; it is in the observation of how each of these aspects is realized that we can see clear differences between slavery in the Asian region discussed here and modern Western notions of slavery.

The key to understanding slavery in this part of the world lies in recognizing three aspects of Asian society at the time: For instance, as has been noted in linguistic and anthropological studies, Asian languages typically display elab- orate honorific systems in their grammatical and lexical systems e.

Javanese, Korean, Japanese. This means that hierarchy is clearly displayed in forms of address, and power relations between participants must be linguistically coded through correct choice of the appropriate grammatical pattern Goddard In the indigenous systems of the region, there was thus a sort of magical bond between master and servant that was regarded as a fundamen- tal aspect of everyday life and was celebrated in literature, the arts, and folk- lore Reid The relationship between master and servant in Asian contexts of the time has been thus interpreted as an extension of the inherent hierarchical nature of these societies.

Another aspect that is relevant for our understanding of the role of servants in Southeast Asian societies is the nature of capital in premodern Southeast Asia. The population of Southeast Asia around the six- teenth century was very small compared to the wealth of the region, compris- ing approximately 15 million, compared to the million in Europe Reid Rather than large political configurations, the region was charac- terized by political diversity and pluralistic states.

One way in which power and wealth could be measured was therefore in terms of control of men, through credit, interest, or other obligations Reid , a: As we learn from early Western descriptions, rich men and royals would surround themselves with large numbers of male and female servants, for protection, labour, enter- tainment, and simple display see Reid These descriptions and the sketches that accompany them in fact often point out how difficult it is to tell the slaves from the masters, since they could be seen walking next to one another, wearing similar types of attire typically a sarong and head gear and were otherwise bare chested.

This is an attestation to the widespread pattern of bondage, which was a result of a person indebting their own life in exchange for money. Such a class of bonded servants, whose duty it was to work in order to pay a debt, is one of the three broad classes of service, forming the lar- gest source of labour in typical indigenous systems of manpower of the region Hoadley Reid a, places the origin of this system of labour in the role of debt and obligation found in the local cultures of the region pre-dating the city-port phase.

Diverse cultural practices, such as marriage, funerals, commercial ventures and gambling, pro- vided opportunities for people of low social status to incur debt.

In order to afford the costs of such practices, men would offer themselves as slaves, i. Bondage could be advantageous for an individual since being bonded meant receiving finan- cial as well as social support; in other words, it was a way upwards in soci- ety.

In particular, the master was required to marry his servants at the right time, and give them their own residence. Hoadley also distinguishes another class of service comprising a group of slaves, numerically very small, consisting of criminals and prisoners of war, who could redeem themselves and move to the class of permanently indebted servants. Marriage between slaves and non-slaves was possible, though the children of the married servants usually belonged to the master.

At the death of the master, slaves could even be freed. They note how relatively well off servants were in local cultures, making them often comparable to, if not better off than, servants in Europe e.

Pigafetta ; Raffles This is not meant to suggest a positive image of slavery in the region, as servants were nonetheless bought and forced to work, with the most unpleasant duties and probably the harshest treatment typically assigned to junior members.

Nonetheless, three aspects of bonded servants set them aside from the prototypical Western idea of slave: These clearly had implications for the evolution of the city-ports.

As outlined in section 2. In these urban centres, bonded ser- vants were trusted to sail boats, engage in trade, serve as messengers, run the household, and provide musical and theatrical entertainment. Upward mobil- ity could be seen in a family from the second generation onwards, where the children of servants enjoyed a level of intimacy and an access to power that blurred the lines between the bonded and the free Reid Moreover, mobility was further enhanced by the fact that the dense and pluralistic social setting of the city-port allowed slaves the possibility of leaving fleeing a family in case of dissatisfaction and easily finding employment and protec- tion in another household without leaving the city.

It has been noted how employ- ment of private slaves tends to peak at times of maximum development of urban centres engaged in international trade Reid Thus, when Western powers entered the trade in the region, they also influenced the slave trade. City-ports such as Melaka, Banten and Makassar could sustain a considerable traffic of people between different provinces, and in time manpower became one of the goods to be traded in the city-ports section 2.

But crucial to this account is the realization that until that point, servants and slaves had been integrated in the social scene. Even during Western colonial rule, servants retained a level of intimacy and were extended a degree of respect that makes the comparison with slavery in the Atlantic world very difficult. In this sense, once the diverse populations of servants started being moved around within Southeast Asia and beyond, we should expect aspects of the cultures, in terms of social and linguistic practices, to filter through to the new environments in which they were to participate.

In other words, when servants and labour- ers are mentioned in this history they are considered to have been integrated within the family structure of their employers, and therefore to have played a part in the newly emerging ecologies.

In these environments, these people not only sup- ported the local economies, but also fostered a dynamic, pluralistic environ- ment where cross-cultural values and new systems of beliefs were negotiated and promoted. The areas of interethnic contact and interethnic communica- tion were many, far exceeding the simple picture of master—servant commu- nication. Compared to the Indian Ocean settings described in Chaudenson Secondly, the demographics of Asian environments are different, in the sense that servants often outnumbered their masters in all environments, as was the case in the Caribbean.

The linguistic histories to follow in the next chapters will add some perspective to the role of these people in the evolution of new cultural forms — languages. The focus here remains Southeast Asia, as the cradle for many of the social dynamics that typify this part of the world, and the arrival of, in particular, the Portuguese and the Dutch. More specific his- torical details pertaining to South Asia, in particular Sri Lanka, are provided in chapter 6, while British colonial history in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea is discussed in chapter 8.

We can distinguish three phases of Western influence in the colonial history of Southeast Asia. In this phase, the numerical presence of Westerners in Asia is relatively low. Slaves of African origin are introduced in the region and intermarriages between Western males and Asian women are numerous. The Dutch often use the Portuguese as a source of knowledge on local trade and culture and even avail themselves of Portuguese-based trade languages.

Slavery and deportation increase, in particular in and from Java. Its rulers had two major goals: This would secure a hold on the spice trade and allow Portugal to break the Muslim networks of the region. After failing to capture the city twice, the Portuguese turned to burning Arab and Indian Muslim warehouses, sparing the Chinese and non-Muslim ones.

Consequently, the Portuguese were able to enter the city-port, and proceeded to slaughter all Muslim men, women, and children. They did not however leave a marked influence in the region for a number of reasons. Firstly, their main interest was the spice trade, involving the con- trol of nutmeg, clove, and pepper.

Therefore, with the exception of a number of forts and ports on the route to Maluku, the Portuguese never established a territorial presence, confining themselves to a number of coastal settlements Sardesai The agricultural hinterland remained fully under indigenous control, and pre-existing powers were not affected. Secondly, as noted above, the Portuguese linked religion with trade and politics, engaging in what were perceived as acts of piracy against Arab and Indian Muslim ships and car- goes.

This was in stark contrast to the tolerant religious culture of the region, especially the city-ports, and it alienated the Portuguese powers from the local ones. Indeed, their violent attempt to convert local groups to Christianity has been identified as one of the main reasons for the spread of Islam during the sixteenth century. Thirdly, the Portuguese developed a nepotistic network of port captains, resulting in arbitrary and exaggerated toll charging which under- mined trade, further alienating the Portuguese from the local powers Sardesai In spite of the above, the type of colonization practised by the Portuguese resulted in a Portuguese—Asian Diaspora still present in the region see chapter 3.

This is because Portuguese settlements in Asia were characterized by a crucial difference from other Western enclaves: The Portuguese, on the other hand, developed their empire in spite of the crucial absence of human capital, and depended from the very beginning on local manpower. They were completely reliant on trade, as the option of establishing themselves as landowners was unavailable to them.

Portuguese traders, moreover, were pre- dominantly engaged in inter-regional trade and regional markets, as revealed by the activities of the Portuguese merchant fleet in Macau Souza They acted as suppliers and intermediaries of Asian goods, while the Dutch and the British were mostly focussed on the global, long-distance trade between Asia and Europe.

Through these activities, the Portuguese left behind a higher degree of cultural legacy than the Dutch, as can be seen in the numerous contact varieties in which Portuguese features are salient e.

Papia Kristang, Makista vs. This can be explained by the fact that the Portuguese were the first Western traders to come into contact with Asian powers in Sri Lanka see chapter 5 , Indonesia see chapter 3 and Southern China see chapter 8 , a fact that put them in a position of mediators between later Western arrivals and local authorities, as seen in the history of Macau chapter 8.

This meant that varieties of Portuguese were often used by Western traders in their early contacts with Asian merchants Ostler In , they took Melaka from the Portuguese and grad- ually extended their control over the trade with Java and Maluku. The Dutch displayed what has been identified as an obsessive concern with profit and an indifference to cultural and political aspects of the region.

Because they left local political and administrative structures in place to work for them, they had a minimal overall cultural influ- ence in the region. They did however make their influence felt in heavily taxing the Asian—European trade; by the mid-seventeenth century, through a combin- ation of well-organized networks and substantial military enforcement, they had also gained control of the regional networks Pearson This was to affect the local economy, particularly the Indonesian one, leading to the closure of a number of local routes and forcing numerous coastal networks to relocate to the economic systems of the inland.

Again, the tax-based system of the Dutch was in stark contrast to regional trading patterns heavily influenced by Muslim culture: The ecology of Monsoon Asia 45 Another practice introduced during Dutch occupation was a harsher treat- ment of servants that negatively affected the slave culture of the region. Historians are not unanimous as to which people were more violent, the Portuguese or the Dutch see Pearson If the former seemed to be more prone to random or religiously motivated violence, the latter were, even in this respect, more systematic.

Besides resorting to violence in cases of local resistance towards the tax system or in cases of local alliances with other European powers Sardesai , the Dutch practised systematic deportation of people from the Indonesian archipelago to other colonies such as Sri Lanka and the Cape Taylor ; chapter 6 this volume.

These deportees could be slaves, criminals, or political exiles, usually involving members of royal courts opposing the Dutch, as well as warriors, who would become mercenary troops to fight foreign kingdoms on the side of the Dutch.

But deportation was also used to acquire valuable land: By the mid-eighteenth century, the Dutch had virtually gained control of key areas in the spice trade. Three years later, the Indonesians themselves formally abolished the language and established Bahasa Indonesia as the national language of the new nation. On the last pledge, there was an affirmation of Indonesian language as a unifying language throughout the archipelago. The adoption of Indonesian as the country's national language was in contrast to most other post-colonial states, as neither the language with the most native speakers in this case, Javanese nor the language of the former European colonial power in this case, Dutch was to be adopted, but rather a local language with many fewer native speakers than the most widely spoken local language nevertheless, Malay was the second most widely spoken language in the colony after Javanese, and had many L2 speakers using it for trade, administration, and education.

In when Indonesia declared its independence, Indonesian was formally declared the national language, [18] although then it was the native language of only about 5 per cent of the population, whereas Javanese and Sundanese were the mother tongues of 42—48 percent and 15 percent respectively. In , Javanese was easily the most prominent language in Indonesia.

It was the native language of nearly half the population, the primary language of politics and economics , and the language of courtly , religious , and literary tradition.

With thousands of islands and hundreds of different languages, the newly independent country of Indonesia had to find a national language that could realistically be spoken by the majority of the population and that would not divide the nation by favoring one ethnic group, namely the Javanese, over the others. In , Indonesian was already in widespread use; [19] in fact, it had been for roughly a thousand years.

Over that long period of time, Malay, which would later become standardized as Indonesian, was the primary language of commerce and travel. In addition, it was the language used for the propagation of Islam in the 13th to 17th centuries, as well as the language of instruction used by Portuguese and Dutch missionaries attempting to convert the indigenous people to Christianity. Moreover, it was the language of the sultanate of Brunei and of the future Malaysia , on which some Indonesian nationalists had claims see Greater Indonesia.

Over the first 53 years of Indonesian independence , the country's first two presidents, Sukarno and Suharto constantly nurtured the sense of national unity embodied by Indonesian, and the language remains an important component of Indonesian identity today. Through a language planning program that made Indonesian the language of politics , education , and nation-building in general, Indonesia became one of the few success stories of an indigenous language effectively overtaking that of a country's colonizers to become the de jure and de facto official language.

Today, Indonesian continues to function as the language of national identity as the Congress of Indonesian Youth envisioned, and it also serves as the language of education, literacy , modernization , and social mobility. Modern and colloquial Indonesian[ edit ] Road-signs in an airport terminal Toll gate in Indonesia Indonesian language used on a bus advertisement While Indonesian is spoken as a mother tongue by only a small proportion of Indonesia's large population i.

In a nation that boasts more than native languages and a vast array of ethnic groups, it plays an important unifying and cross-archipelagic role for the country. Use of the national language is abundant in the media, government bodies, schools , universities , workplaces , among members of the Indonesian upper-class or nobility and also in many other formal situations, although the Indonesian Census shows that only While this is a phenomenon common to most languages in the world for example, spoken English does not always correspond to its written standards , the proximity of spoken Indonesian in terms of grammar and vocabulary to its normative form is noticeably low.

This is mostly due to Indonesians combining aspects of their own local languages e. This results in various vernacular varieties of Indonesian, the very types that a foreigner is most likely to hear upon arriving in any Indonesian city or town.

This phenomenon is amplified by the use of Indonesian slang , particularly in the cities.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The most common and widely used colloquial Indonesian is heavily influenced by the Betawi language , a Malay-based creole of Jakarta , amplified by its popularity in Indonesian popular culture in mass media and Jakarta's status as the national capital. In informal spoken Indonesian, various words are replaced with those of a less formal nature. Sangat or amat very , the term to express intensity, is often being replaced with the Javanese-influenced banget.

In informal writing the spelling of words is modified to reflect the actual pronunciation in a way that can be produced with less effort. For example, capai becomes cape or capek, pakai becomes pake, kalau becomes kalo. In verbs, the prefix me- is often dropped, although an initial nasal consonant is often retained, as when mengangkat becomes ngangkat the basic word is angkat. The suffixes -kan and -i are often replaced by -in. For example, mencarikan becomes nyariin, menuruti becomes nurutin.

The latter grammatical aspect is one often closely related to the Indonesian spoken in Jakarta and its surrounding areas. Malay historical linguists agree on the likelihood of the Malay homeland being in western Borneo stretching to the Bruneian coast.Reid a: Kebanyakan orang menjalani pendidikan universitas selama 33 empat tahun, dan pendidikan mereka berakhir.

In marked contrast to the French , Spanish and Portuguese, who pursued an assimilation colonial policy, or even the British , the Dutch did not attempt to spread their language among the indigenous population.

Saya 25 sudah bekerja untuk Bapak, dan Bapak tidak menepati janji. This phenomenon is amplified by the use of Indonesian slang , particularly in the cities. Mungkin semangat mereka sama. Dalam kotak kardus berwarna coklat yang dulu digunakan untuk menaruh botol saus tomat, tumpukan tube pasta gigi bekas kami semakin bertambah.

Setidaknya kamu mendapat persen.

BRANT from Spokane
Look through my other posts. I am highly influenced by lockpicking. I do fancy furiously .